Scoop: Netflix show depicts colliding worlds of crime and media
Manpreet Singh Virk / NetflixThe sensational murder of India’s best known crime reporter in June 2011 and the subsequent arrest of a female crime journalist on allegations of being involved in the murder had stunned the country.
Jyotirmoy Dey, popularly known as J Dey, was shot dead in Mumbai by men on motorcycles on orders from one of India’s most notorious gangsters, Chhota Rajan – he was convicted in 2018 and is serving a life sentence for the killing.
But somehow, Jigna Vora, a newspaper journalist, got caught up in the storm and was charged – falsely – for involvement in the murder.
She spent over nine months in Byculla jail before being released on bail. A single parent to a 10-year-old boy, Ms Vora was acquitted in 2018 since the police failed to produce any evidence against her.
This story of a journalist’s murder – and of another’s wrongful confinement – is the subject of Scoop, a new webseries on Netflix that is wowing critics and viewers alike.
Based on Ms Vora’s 2019 memoir – Behind The Bars In Byculla: My Days in Prison – Scoop is a gripping tale of a real-life crime, Mumbai’s mafia and the role of the police and the press. Many of the real-life incidents have been replicated, but Ms Vora says “the series makers have exercised cinematic leverage”.
As Ms Vora’s screen avatar Jagruti Pathak, who lives by chasing scoops that would get her a byline on the front page, ends up in a prison cell with those she once reported on, she also begins to reflect on her life and priorities.
Ms Vora told the BBC that she’s pleased with the way the series has turned out but watching it was difficult.
“It was like revisiting the whole trauma. It was difficult to see on screen what I went through, the humiliation and character assassination I faced. But I’m happy that the series got made because people needed to see the truth that I was not guilty.
A few months after J Dey’s murder, rumours started swirling around that a female crime reporter was involved in the murder. Some of it was reported in the media, attributed to police sources.
“We were also wondering who it could be? It didn’t even cross my mind that it could be me,” she told me.
In October-end when one newspaper carried a report naming her, she says her first reaction was of shock. She then knew that her arrest was imminent – and she was arrested on 25 November.
“It was a very tough period for me, I was scared, I even thought of committing suicide, but my family inspired me to fight. They told me that if I killed myself, then people would think that I was guilty. If I wanted to clear my name, I had to fight.”
J Dey’s murder, Ms Vora says, changed her life forever. The police said she was involved with the underworld and had helped the murderers by providing them information about J Dey. She was charged under the draconian Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (Mcoca) – a law that carries the death penalty in serious cases.
Some in the Mumbai press went after her, with many of her former colleagues taking a vicarious pleasure in her downfall. She was dubbed a murderer, a gangster’s moll. They carried unverified stories, often attributed to “sources in the police”, and criticised her for being “too ambitious”.
“I think there’s nothing wrong with being ambitious,” she tells me. “But in my case it was used to portray me as a villain.”
What hurt most, Ms Vohra says, was “when female colleagues and editors made disparaging remarks about me, saying that I was sleeping around with people to get stories, but I had no-one to tell my side of the story to”.
The series captures the media circus as reporters hound her family, including her son. The child looks bewildered and terrified as TV cameras are thrust in his face, asking him about the alleged crimes of his mother.
Prison was “a very difficult phase of life, I think it would have been for anyone in my position”, Ms Vora says. But the prison inmates, she adds, were very helpful and tried to cheer her up.
“The prison officials also treated me well, they’d counsel me telling me to take each day as it comes and that everything will be alright.”
Ms Vora, who was cleared of all charges by the trial court and then the high court, says she has “no idea who fixed me”.
“The only thing I know is that it happened – and I accept it as my karma. Now even if I do find out who fixed me, would I be able to change anything?” she asks.
While in jail, she says, she did a lot of soul searching and after being released on bail, she “started the process of healing myself”.
“I started meditating and once out, I visited lots of temples and all that helped me gain my inner strength. I was always a believer, and now my faith in God increased.”
Since it dropped on Netflix in early June, Scoop remains among the most popular shows in India – weeks after its release, it remains at number two in the list of top 10. It has also wowed critics who have described it as “a gripping tale of the fourth estate” and “a must watch for all journalists”.
Filmmaker Hansal Mehta who directed Scoop says he had followed Ms Vora’s case in 2011.
“But like all headlines, her story was replaced by some other headline. While it got confined to inside pages, she and her family bore the trauma of being labelled without judicial process,” he told The Times of India.
In 2020, when Ms Vora’s book was shared with him, he says he saw “the potential to engage with the audiences on a story that is both a cautionary tale and an important chronicle of our times”.
Ms Vora says when she heard that Mr Mehta was going to be the director, “I knew that he would be able to do justice to my story”. But, she says, she didn’t expect this kind of response.
“People are sending me messages of love and respect on social media, they’re telling me that this series has helped them see the truth, many are saying that I’m very strong – but what choice did I have?” she asks.
A tenacious reporter, Ms Vora had carved out a name for herself in crime journalism in just a few years, but after her stint in jail, she never returned to journalism. Today, she makes a living as a healer, working as an astrologer and a life coach.
The media trial that she faced more than a decade back – and the ones that take place every night in television studios where reputations are destroyed based on speculation and unsubstantiated allegations – make her uncomfortable.
Her story, she says, should serve as a lesson for the press to be careful because their reporting can destroy lives.
“The press is called the fourth estate – they are very powerful, they can make or break a person. I hope they understand the seriousness of the job that they do and mend their ways.
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Singaporean wins taekwondo event on final day of inaugural Olympic Esports Week
SINGAPORE: The first Olympic Esports Week concluded on Sunday (Jun 25), with Singaporean Nigel Tan becoming the host country’s first Olympic Esports Series winner. The 14-year-old defeated compatriot Natalie Tor 2-1 in the live finals of the taekwondo event on the last day of the Olympic Esports Series 2023. “ItContinue Reading
Egg donation in Singapore: What couples with complex infertility need to know if they want to have a baby
When Maya Tan* got married in 2015, the then-30-year-old didn’t give much thought to fertility. She assumed that when she and her husband were ready to start a family, getting pregnant would be a matter of course. Infertility was not on their minds.
After three years of marriage, the couple decided they were ready for a baby and wanted to get pregnant. But what followed was an exhausting path filled with uncertainty and disappointment.
More than a year passed and despite their efforts, Tan still could not get pregnant. When the couple went for a fertility checkup, doctors discovered multiple issues with Maya’s reproductive system.
“I was told I was in the so-called prime age to conceive yet I had so many problems … it felt like a nightmare,” she said.
“I had blocked fallopian tubes which led to an infection, cysts in my ovaries, and the worst part was that my egg reserve was extremely low.”
Tan and her husband sought second opinions and consulted various fertility clinics in Singapore. Each visit brought diminishing hope. Along the way, they endured eight unsuccessful rounds of in-vitro fertilisation (IVF).
Pride ‘hypocrisy’ sparks backlash
LGBTQ+ campaigners take aim at ‘rainbow washing’
LGBTQ+ rights campaigners have criticised businesses for cashing in on products promoted during Pride Month while failing to support the call for equal rights.
Nikki Phinyapincha, founder of TransTalents Consulting Group, told the Bangkok Post that Pride Month, held in June, has been incorporated into companies’ marketing strategies in a move she calls “rainbow washing”.
Businesses use rainbow flags, logos and social media hashtags to promote their goods, she said, adding some have even produced special Pride Month edition goods to generate more income.
However, they are overlooking the true meaning of Pride Month, she said.
“They make us [into] merely a source of income. Pride was not originally a celebration but [a commemoration] of our struggle for not only civil rights but also socio-economic inclusion and empowerment, such as equal rights to employment, promotions and access to education,” she said. “These rights are important as they improve our living conditions.”
The business sector needs to back its support for the LGBTQ+ community with action, she said, adding each company needs to ensure a safe workplace policy for LGBTQ+ people and provide them with mental health support.
“The safe workplace for LGBTQ+ [people] is crucial, they need a place where they can express their sexuality freely,” she said. “This could help increase their productivity as they will not need to be afraid for being who they are.”
She said companies should provide LGBTQ+ people equal opportunities in climbing the corporate ladder.
Many companies still have the perception that having an LGBTQ+ leader makes their business look unprofessional and unreliable, she said.
In fact, having LGBTQ+ people in leadership roles will help companies diversify to drive systematic change in the business, she said.
“If [corporations] seek money from us, please make sure to give back by listening to what we need and what we fight for,” she said.
Nada Chaiyajit, lawyer and human rights adviser, said “rainbow washing” is also being used in politics.
Some parties launched pro-LGBTQ+ campaigns to gain votes from the community, she said.
However, there is real support from some parties, she said, including the Move Forward Party (MFP), which has drafted a marriage equality bill to amend Section 1448 of the Civil and Commercial Code, which defines marriage as a union between a man and woman.
The MFP bill aims to make the marriage law applicable to all couples, regardless of gender, she said.
In addition, the party has announced support for Thailand to host World Pride in 2028 to promote equality, she said.
However, there is also a need for change at the national level, she said. Politicians need to ensure LGBTQ+-friendly welfare policies that include paid gender affirmation leave, equal pay and civil-servant programmes that extend to partners.
She also supports the idea of having a minimum quota for LGBTQ+ and women politicians in parliament to help them advance their political careers. It would help diversify parliament because they would have a chance to voice their wants, she said.
According to the May 14 general election result, five openly LGBTQ+ MPs from the MFP were elected, but one of them, Nateepat Kulsetthasith, resigned over a drunk driving incident on May 16.
“Having a gender quota is important because we need people who truly know what we need,” Ms Nada said. “We want many political representatives from our community to vote for bills that are necessary for us LGBTQ+ people.
“Many politicians do not know what our problems are, even if they say they support us,” she noted.
The new government should consider the gender issue when assigning ministerial positions to ensure it would be gender-inclusive, she said.
“Our pride is not a one-month-long campaign, but every single second of our lives,” she said.
“We need people like us to sit in parliament to ensure our voices are heard and equally protected.”
CNA Explains: Renting a black-and-white house in Singapore
SINGAPORE: Black-and-white houses have been in the spotlight, with two such properties along Ridout Road being rented to ministers.
The rentals of 26 and 31 Ridout Road by Home Affairs and Law Minister K Shanmugam and Foreign Affairs Minister Vivian Balakrishnan respectively have sparked interest in such houses.
Last month, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said that an independent review of the rentals will be conducted, after both ministers called for it.
The topic will also be addressed during the Parliament sitting next week.
There are about 500 black-and-white houses in Singapore. They can be found across Singapore, in neighbourhoods such as Sembawang, Seletar, Tanglin, and Changi.
“These houses were once home to colonial mandarins, magistrates, magnates and towkays (local businessmen) in the early days of Singapore’s development,” wrote former Singapore Land Authority (SLA) chairman Lim Sim Seng in a publication in 2017.
“And within these corridors of power, through periods of triumph and turmoil, history was shaped and made.”
How much does it cost to rent black-and-white houses, and how do you rent them?
WHAT ARE BLACK-AND-WHITE HOUSES?
Black-and-white houses were built between 1903 and 1941, primarily serving as homes for European colonial and expatriate families, according to Roots.gov.sg, a website by the National Heritage Board (NHB).
They derive their name from the characteristic combination of dark timber beams and whitewashed walls.
The architectural style of these houses reflects the mock-Tudor tastes of the late Victorian era and its cross-pollination with indigenous Malayan features. Some of these houses have high ceilings and stilts for natural ventilation, as well as tiled roofs and deep overhanging eaves.
According to the Roots website, Singapore’s black-and-white chapter concluded abruptly at the outbreak of World War II.
Some of these houses were fortified and turned into defensive positions, and a few were damaged and destroyed during the war. Many of them were taken over by the invading Japanese force and used to house senior commanders. Others were placed under the control of the Kempeitai, the Japanese military police.
To preserve the heritage of these colonial houses, changes to the look and feel of these bungalows are not allowed.
But tenants often need to install additional fittings such as air-conditioning, carpentry works, and upgrade kitchens and toilets.
Many of these black-and-white bungalows are rented with the surrounding land.
Mr Shanmugam said in a written parliamentary reply to NCMP Leong Mun Wai (PSP) in August last year that the SLA managed 262 residential state black-and-white bungalows that exceed 20,000 sq ft in land area.
HOW MUCH IS THE RENT?
Properties managed by SLA are generally available for rental through an open tender. Those managed by agents, mainly residential and commercial, can be rented directly from the agents.
The guide rent is the “reserved rental based on market rates as determined by qualified valuers”, the authority told CNA previously.
In his parliamentary reply in August last year, Mr Shanmugam said that as of Jul 21, 2022, 236 of the 262 residential state black-and-white bungalows were tenanted. The median land size was about 38,000 sq ft and the median rent was about S$13,000 (US$9,700).
These bungalows are typically tenanted on two- or three-year terms. The rental prices are influenced by market conditions, and it is not advisable to compare them with the rental price of a private good class bungalow in different time periods, said the minister.
According to the State Property Information Online (SPIO) website – the SLA portal that shows state properties available for rent – a house at 2 Seton Close in Orchard was tenanted for S$42,800 per month.
It has an estimated gross floor area of 4,629 sq ft and a land area of 36,705 sq ft.
With seven bedrooms and six bathrooms, the detached house attracted two bids – the other being S$35,000. Bidding closed on Feb 10.
Commentary: Tighter enforcement not enough to prevent workplace fatalities in Singapore
I also attended an ESG seminar and realised that the speakers and participants were focused on the environmental aspect and appeared oblivious to WSH issues. More needs to be done in this space.
BUILDING A STRONG SAFETY CULTURE
Engaging stakeholders through ESG reporting or other information sharing is not foolproof. Researchers have suggested that soft interventions should supplement hard regulations.
MOM and WSH Council have done much in that respect over the years, with the former stepping up companies’ accountability for workplace accidents, and the latter providing comprehensive guidelines and timely WSH alerts.
Nevertheless, to effectively engage more organisations in building safety culture, there is a need for more sharing of information.
Since 2018, the WSH Act has empowered the Manpower Ministry to publish learning reports to share significant lessons learnt following workplace accidents or diseases. Unlike the accident alerts disseminated by the WSH Council, learning reports are more in-depth and are not admissible in court.
However, to date, there are only two learning reports published. More can be shared to ensure that companies can improve from the failures of others. In addition, findings from WSH prosecution cases that had been thoroughly debated in court should be captured and disseminated.
Ridout Road properties: âThorough, meaningfulâ debate and full transparency needed, say political analysts
ALL RELEVANT INFORMATION MUST BE SHARED
In assessing how the government has handled the matter, analysts have said that the time between the issue emerging and detailed information being released would fuel more talk and speculation. However, rushing to respond has its drawbacks when there is a need for accuracy.
Leader of the Opposition Pritam Singh and three lawmakers from the ruling People’s Action Party have already tabled questions on the matter.
More importantly, the release of the review’s findings will allow a “thorough and meaningful debate”, said Assoc Prof Tan, adding that the government “is not in the habit of drip-feeding information and also does not want to be seen to be caving in to all demands for further particulars”.
NTU’s Dr Tan called for an “honest” debate about the details of the review and how it was conducted.
Beyond that, all relevant documents and correspondence relating to the two leases should be made public, the political observers said.
“As a country that prides itself on its stringent stance against corruption, Singapore and its officials must of course take steps to ensure that there is no perception of bias in favour of its policymakers and officeholders,” said Ms Ngiow.
“A possible resolution could be for the government to take a radically transparent approach through the publication of all relevant and supporting documents in parliament to reassure the public that no special treatment was involved in the process,” she added.
These documents would include lease agreements and documentation relating to disclosure of interests, as well as the trail of correspondence within SLA and between the agency and the lessees of the two properties.
“These documents can be appropriately redacted such as for market-sensitive information or confidential information,” said SMU’s Assoc Prof Tan, adding that further information on the guide rent and the number of bids submitted for the properties could also be provided.
Dr Tan from NTU said the government’s report should provide clarity on how the decisions for the rental transactions were made by SLA, for example by providing a timeline for how and when the approvals to rent the two properties to the ministers were reached and who was involved in these approvals.
“There is a need for some kind of thoroughness in the investigation and the report,” he told CNA.
The identity of the “senior Cabinet colleague” whom Mr Shanmugam had notified in 2018 about his bid for the property should also be made known.
Doing so will help to provide transparency and due diligence in establishing the facts of the matter, said Dr Tan.
“The revelation of the identity of this senior Cabinet colleague would also ensure that he or she was not complicit, in any way, with regard to this matter”, the political analyst from NTU added.
New station plan irks local residents
Historic shophouses at the centre of the backlash against Democracy Monument Station
The Mass Rapid Transit Authority (MRTA) is waiting for the Fine Arts Department to approve its plan for the new Democracy Monument Station, which has come under fire from conservationists and residents alike over its likely impact on historic buildings, in what is one of Bangkok’s oldest neighbourhoods.
The station, which was known as Phan Fa Station before the Department of Rail Transport renamed it to bring it in line with the naming convention for the capital’s rail network, is part of the extended Purple Line electric rail route. The extension will have 17 stations along its 23.6-kilometre route from Tao Poon to Rat Burana, effectively linking Nonthaburi, Bangkok and Samut Prakan provinces.
As the extension will pass through Rattanakosin Island, also known as the heart of Bangkok’s Old Town neighbourhood, residents are concerned the construction will have an adverse impact on the area’s historical sites — in particular, seven old shophouses on Phra Sumen Road in Phra Nakhon district, which the MRTA plans to incorporate into the new station.
Strong opposition
The plan, however, is opposed by Rosana Tositrakul, a former Bangkok senator and president of Rattanakosin Heritage Conservation Group (RHCG), who fears the shophouses would ultimately be torn down to make way for the station.
As such, she has urged the MRTA to consider building the station away from the neighbourhood’s older buildings — a suggestion dismissed by the MRTA, which said that doing so would hurt the station’s accessibility.
As of now, the buildings remain sealed off. Before the land on which the buildings stand was appropriated by the MRTA, the shophouses hosted a local grocery store as well as a steamed bun and coffee stall.
The grocer who ran his business from one of the shophouses, Vissanukorn Jaidee, told the Bangkok Post that the building has been around for at least eight decades.
He inherited the store from his father and ran it for thirty years until he was told to vacate the building.
“Personally, I don’t want the land to be expropriated as I am old and feel attached to this place. Besides, I don’t think building the station here will boost ridership, as this area is not a busy zone,” he said.
Not many passengers use Sam Yot Station on the Blue Line, which was also built in a historic neighbourhood.
Boonsub Poonsawat, who ran the coffee shop next door, said she hoped the MRTA would reconsider its plan so future generations can have a piece of the neighbourhood’s historical heritage.
Surangrat Suriyasomboon, who owned the seven shophouses, said the land belonged to the grandfather of Lek Nana, one of the founders of the Democrat Party, who was once known as the Landlord of Bangkok.
His grandfather was given the royal rank of Phrapitesatraphanich during the reign of King Rama V, a title which has stayed in the Nana family for generations.
“We didn’t receive as much compensation for the land, but we understand we have to make sacrifices for the public.
“We were supposed to receive 100 million baht, but settled for 60 [million baht] in the end,” she said.
“What can we do? The MRTA has always stressed the need to build the station there.”
FAD’s response
According to the Fine Arts Department, the shophouses are being considered for listing as historic sites.
A source said the building may have been built during the reign of Rama VI. As such, under Section 4 of the Ancient Monuments, Antiques, Objects of Art and National Museums Act 1961, the property could be considered a heritage site due to its architectural significance and historical importance.
That said, there are other elements besides age that must be considered too, he said.
The MRTA said that while the shophouses will have to be torn down to make way for the station’s entrance, they will be rebuilt in the same style, like the agency did at Wat Mangkon and Sanam Chai stations.
The MRTA has yet to proceed with the construction as it is still waiting for the Fine Arts Department to approve the blueprint in an effort to minimise the impact on surrounding buildings.
Other names could be put up for PM’s job
More names could be nominated for the parliamentary selection of the next prime minister other than just Pita Limjaroenrat from the Move Forward Party (MFP), says Senator Akanit Muensawad.
He was responding to mounting pressure by supporters of the MFP for senators to vote for Mr Pita as the new PM. Since there could be more candidates nominated, senators have the right to vote for one who they consider to be the most suitable choice in terms of both ethical standards and capability, said Gen Akanit.
“Well, they should gather 376 votes from MPs from the beginning, then senators will totally opt out of voting [to select the new PM] altogether,” he said, responding to speculation the Senate would be blamed by MFP supporters in the event Mr Pita gets less than 376 votes.
“You will become the government if you get 376 votes right from the beginning. Can you? Don’t make it sound like the Senate’s fault,” he said.
Senator Jate Siratharanont said some senators had closed the door on any possible talks with the MFP as it seeks Senate support for Mr Pita to be the next prime minister,
The party wants to amend Section 112, also known as the lese majeste law, which has put some people off.
Meanwhile, asked about the MFP’s armed forces reform policy, Gen Akanit said he supports reform of the armed forces being implemented by the armed forces themselves, not the version proposed by the MFP.
He accused the MFP of copying the US military’s organisational structure as a model for its own proposed reform of the Thai armed forces.
Under the reforms, conscription would end, while the Defence Council, Internal Security Operation Command (Isoc) and military court would be scrapped.
Akanit: Not the Senate’s fault
Raids net kidnap suspects
Four members of a gang accused of kidnap were arrested in the South and the Northeast in an operation led by the Crime Suppression Division’s (CSD) special weapons and tactics unit yesterday.
The operation began at 6am yesterday, when 80 members of the Hanuman taskforce were deployed to raid eight targets — three in Yala, four in Narathiwat and one in Khon Kaen.
The raids followed an incident on Sept 5 last year, when a group of armed men abducted a man from a house in Narathiwat’s Rangae district. The victim was held hostage in a house where he was beaten up, leading to a broken rib.
The group called his relatives, demanding 500,000 baht for his release. They threatened to cut off the victim’s ears or torture him if their demand was not met.
The relatives agreed to pay 300,000 baht, saying the rest would be paid later, and the kidnappers agreed. After taking the money from a spot in Sungai Kolok, the victim was released at a location where he was later picked up by his relatives.
Afterwards, the kidnappers kept calling the relatives, demanding the rest of the ransom. Out of fear for their safety, the relatives paid them 100,000 baht, but the kidnappers kept harassing them.
The victim’s relatives then decided to file a complaint with police in Rangae district and later with the CSD.
The CSD learned the gang consists of mostly former rangers, defence volunteers and insurgents. Warrants were issued for the arrests of five suspects. Two were identified as Abdulroning Salae, 39, and Andi Mama, 33.
Mr Abdulroning was arrested at his house in Yala, while Mr Andi was caught at his house in Narathiwat’s Sungai Kolok district. In Khon Kaen, CSD police also arrested another suspect, not yet identified.