Commentary: Yes, we’re already paying service charge, GST and delivery fees, but it’s still nice to tip

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CULTURAL SHIFTS

Cultural shifts take time. When we, as a whole, recognise that supporting the community around us leads to a better, happier world, the shift will happen.

F&B is hard work and I am very grateful to the chefs who prepare our meals, servers who make sure we get our lunches, and delivery riders who bring us our dinners when we need to eat at home.

Every tip we give counts. It is all about how we perceive tipping.

Think of it as part of the cost of your meal, just as I rather quickly did in Toronto, that my milkshake cost C$5.20, not C$4. Think of tipping not as a cost increase, but supporting good work, supporting your community.

If service charge is removed, the actual cost hasn’t changed for you. And if service charge remains, any amount you can afford to give goes a long way. Servers know this and appreciate it.

When fellow servers see good service appreciated, they may well follow suit. This creates a butterfly effect and soon, service quality will rise, resulting in a trickle-down effect to other services that encourage tips like food delivery.

During the Apr 14 to 16 weekend, foodpanda launched a “double tips, double love” campaign, matching every dollar that riders received in tips from customers on the platform. The feedback on social media was encouraging.

In an interview with CNA last year, Grab too said that the tipping feature on the app had been well-received, suggesting an appreciation for platform workers.

Paradigm shifts take time and if enough business owners and diners do this, it will become normalised.

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IN FOCUS: The global scourge of child porn – how does it spread and what is Singapore doing about it?

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“PARTICULARLY DISTRESSING”: PROSECUTOR

When the authorities manage to identify and nab the perpetrators, they are charged in court. But before that, investigators and prosecutors such as Mr Chong have to sift through the evidence, with some cases involving thousands of videos. 

“Many of us felt nauseous when we viewed such clips, as they involved young toddlers or infants being harmed. It is particularly distressing when we can see or hear the children in distress or pain,” Mr Chong told CNA.

“Personally, I always feel most affected when I see a child unsuccessfully trying to cover their face when being filmed, as even this tiny bit of dignity is being taken away from them.

“There can also be feelings of helplessness, as the children appear to be in faraway countries. These children may never be rescued, and the people involved in inflicting such unspeakable harm may never face justice.”

He has advised his colleagues to take frequent breaks when reviewing such material, and to do it in the mornings so that the images “do not become the last thing we work on before going home for the day”.

Nevertheless, he said that their job was to remain objective and impartial no matter how grave the offence, and that they find it rewarding to successfully prosecute such cases.

Since the dedicated laws came into effect in 2020, the culpability of offenders has been “tiered” at every level, said the prosecutor.

Offenders who are involved in the production of such material can be jailed for up to 10 years. Those who download, stream, access, or possess such films can be punished with up to five years’ imprisonment. Caning and fines can also be imposed.

Those who distribute child sexual abuse material can be jailed for up to seven years, caned, fined, or a combination of those punishments. Before the new laws, such offenders could only be prosecuted for transmitting obscene material, which carried an imprisonment term of up to only three months and/or a fine.

THE REHABILITATION PROCESS

Following a conviction, some offenders will serve time behind bars and be placed in rehabilitation programmes.

The prison service said that offenders will undergo a psychological assessment to identify their risk of reoffending and intervention needs.

These psychological interventions aim to help them address problems with:

  • Interpersonal relationships
  • Self-regulation, such as difficulties in controlling inappropriate impulses or sexual urges
  • Negative attitudes that support sexual offending
  • Responsible use of the internet and other problematic online behaviours
  • Using leisure time meaningfully

After this, inmates are guided to develop individualised risk management plans. Inmates will also undergo other rehabilitative activities, like work, religious counselling and family-based programmes.

After their release, they may also be referred to relevant agencies in the community for further counselling and support, if a psychologist assesses it to be necessary.

People who committed serious offences as specified in the First Schedule of the Prisons Act – which includes crimes involving child sexual abuse material – are required to undergo mandatory supervision and aftercare support upon their release. This includes curfew hours and electronic monitoring.

SPS said: “With the Mandatory Aftercare Scheme, better protection of society is achieved through closer supervision … of these serious crime offenders after their release, as well as enhanced aftercare support such as case management to assist their reintegration and reduce their reoffending risk.”

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15 cafes and restaurants you can refuel at after you’ve walked these hiking trails around Singapore

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Social Smoker begins grilling only in the evening, so plan appropriately. They serve meat platters for two, three, or five, all of which are spiced, seared and sliced on a custom-built, S$20,000-smoker from Ole Hickory Pits in Missouri. Accompany your meats with Maple Sprouts or Cornbread Bibingka, and top it off with a cup of sake, a glass of natural wine, or a refreshing craft beer from local brewery, Niang Brewery.

2. Cava

Not far from Social Smoker is Cava, an all-day brunch destination that joined the scene in 2022. In contrast to the cafes along Upper Thomson Road, it is exceedingly spacious, capable of accommodating pets, bicycles, and diners coming from MacRitchie Reservoir without seating them elbow to elbow. It even has room for antiquity, housing one of Singapore’s last remaining wells.

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Commentary: Reintroducing some form of inheritance tax could help address wealth inequality in Singapore

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In practice, an inheritance tax can end up a cat-and-mouse game. The ultra-rich can easily avoid inheritance tax through tax planning, for example by gifting properties to the next generation during their lifetime. 

As a result, the eventual annual tax collected from estate duty was only about S$75 million on average, according the 2008 Budget statement. This makes it an unsustainable source of tax revenue for the government to rely on, when compared to the resources that must be mobilised to collect this tax.

THREAT OF CAPITAL FLIGHT

These factors favouring the removal of inheritance tax are still valid today. Our entrenched position as a wealth management hub in the region will be seriously threatened if the inheritance tax is re-introduced.

The likelihood of the exodus of funds and assets out of Singapore to other countries with no inheritance tax is high. Worse still, some of our wealthy residents may be enticed to relocate if that can save them from such a high tax burden.

Consequently, more tax revenue could potentially be lost if we take into account the Goods and Services Tax (GST) on the big-ticket items they may otherwise have purchased or the income tax payable by their family members who derive employment or trading income.  

Such capital flight means tax collection will continue to be low unless the taxes are tweaked to make it more progressive, with much higher tax rates and lower exemption values at the risk of diluting our attractiveness as a wealth management hub.

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Who knows where you live? A search on the Internet could prove surprising

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SINGAPORE: Official records once showed Ruzaidie Dar Surnik’s home to be where five migrant workers resided, only it wasn’t true.

He discovered this falsehood by chance, through a fellow member of a parents’ support group who had had the same misfortune.

Ruzaidie reported his case to the Ministry of Manpower (MOM) and said it took about three weeks for things to be rectified.

When he posted about his experience on Facebook in April 2019, he received feedback from others who said, “Me too.”

That year, the MOM’s Foreign Worker Tenant Enquiry Service (FWTES) began allowing home owners to check the details of migrant workers registered as residing in their public flat or private residence.

It seems that the problem has not let up.

Since 2020, the MOM has stepped up inspections and discovered around 1,000 cases each year involving the false declaration of residential addresses as housing addresses for migrant workers, the ministry told the programme Talking Point.

It has also taken enforcement action against more than 2,000 errant employers since 2020.

Offenders may face fines of up to S$20,000 and/or up to 24 months in jail for each false declaration, in addition to being barred from hiring migrant workers.

WATCH: How your home address could be leaked — who knows where you live? (22:28)

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A question of strategy

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Srettha: Aiming for election sweep
Srettha: Aiming for election sweep

The countdown to a general election typically prompts some voters to strategise how they will vote on the big day.

With the May 14 polls around the corner, so-called tactical voting is being planned by some voters to prevent their least favourite parties garnering too many House seats.

A political analyst said strategic voting in the upcoming polls may occur at the expense of the Pheu Thai Party, which could jeopardise its goal of winning the election by a landslide.

Where Pheu Thai stands to lose from tactical voting could well be its closest ally, the Move Forward Party’s (MFP) gain.

According to the analyst, the biggest surprise may be where the tactical votes come from.

And thanks to the re-introduced dual-ballot system, such a voting practice is predicted to deliver a particularly potent result.

Recent opinion polls have been encouraging for the MFP, which has fared consistently better with each survey in the past several weeks.

At the same time, Pheu Thai’s rating has dipped, which spurred the party into examining where it has gone wrong in its campaign.

It was reasonable to assume the party had banked on its 10,000-baht digital wallet scheme to give its election standing more lift. Despite being ridiculed by critics as a populist handout, the 560-billion-baht programme, in which 10,000 baht will be spent within six months at shops within a 4-kilometre radius of where people live, was expected by the party to be the ace to trump economic stimulus election pledges by other parties.

However, a cautious review of the policy by some experts, who feared spending of such magnitude might harm fiscal discipline, has been a political headwind for the party. This might be the reason for the dip in Pheu Thai’s popularity.

As both Pheu Thai and the MFP belong to the self-styled “pro-democracy” camp, some supporters who traditionally back one party might switch to another one at the polls over a dubious campaign policy.

The expert said the switching of support within an alliance could explain the MFP’s improved performance in opinion polls.

The two parties have warmed to one another in their common political stance, although that may be as far as the amicability goes. Pheu Thai has made it abundantly clear on numerous occasions that it is doing everything in its power to sweep the election and rule the next government solo.

It is a message repeated many times over by Srettha Thavisin, former president and chief executive of the Sansiri real estate empire, who is now one of Pheu Thai’s prime ministerial candidates.

Pheu Thai was viewed as having snubbed the MFP’s hand of friendship when the latter earlier voiced its willingness to form a government with Pheu Thai.

In many constituencies, the two parties are, in fact, set on a collision course. Their candidates have rapidly become embroiled in an intense neck-and-neck race.

Meanwhile, according to the expert, some voters who oppose the two parties were mulling over whether they should adopt tactical voting in the polls.

These voters, who are zealous supporters of the likes of the Palang Pracharath Party, the United Thai Nation Party, and the Democrat Party, might be considering this option if they think their favourite candidate does not stand a chance of winning in constituencies where Pheu Thai and the MFP are top contenders.

The voters who dislike Pheu Thai more than they do the MFP and dread it clinching a landslide win could be tempted to cast their constituency ballots for MFP candidates while voting for their actual favourite parties in the party list system.

The expert said the “sacrificial” votes might be embraced under the dual-ballot election, where the votes of the defeated candidates will be thrown away.

If it had been the single-ballot method, as in the previous election, the votes cast for the losing candidates would be counted toward their respective parties’ nationwide tally and converted into party list seats, provided there were enough votes.

Instead of wasting their votes, some voters might opt to strategise and resort to keeping their biggest foes from becoming too big in the next election, the expert said.

First might not be enough

Many opinion polls suggest Pheu Thai is on course for a big win at the general election. Unfortunately though, the party’s chances of forming a coalition government are being thrown into doubt.

Prayut: Faces pressure if re-elected as PM

By tradition, a political party that captures the most seats is recognised as receiving a mandate to put together a coalition. In the 2019 polls, Pheu Thai, which grabbed the largest share of House seats, proceeded to try and set up a government but failed to achieve the majority it needed.

This time around, analysts are increasingly doubtful parties will observe this long-standing practice which is not constitutionally required. They reckon rivals will jostle hard to try and gain the upper hand in putting together a coalition government, regardless of how many seats they won.

Of all the parties, the United Thai Nation Party (UTN) is believed to have a solid chance of forming a government, although it is projected to finish third or even fourth with about 40 seats.

Some speculate that the jockeying will start as soon as the UTN, which nominated its chief strategist, Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha as its No.1 prime ministerial candidate, appears to win at least 25 seats, the minimum number required for a party to be able to nominate a prime minister.

According to observers, the UTN has the edge over its rivals because its bloc does not need to secure a simple majority to form a government. They point to the 250-member Senate’s role in co-selecting a prime minister in parliament.

The UTN is widely believed to have the senators in its pocket, and if its rivals want their candidates to be voted in as prime minister without the need for Senate support, they must win at least 376 House seats — more than half of the combined 750 members of both chambers.

Virtually no observer is convinced that Pheu Thai can muster enough House seats to offset the Senate’s votes. Pheu Thai is forecast to win 220 seats, and together with its potential allies, the Move Forward Party (MFP) and the Seri Ruam Thai Party, they will come up with 260 seats.

According to Stithorn Thananithichot, a political analyst at King Prajadhipok’s Institute, only 240 seats are sufficient for a UTN-led bloc to guarantee success in Gen Prayut’s nomination as the next prime minister and put together a coalition.

The Bhumjaithai Party is projected to win 80 seats, the largest number of seats in the UTN-led bloc, while the UTN and the Democrats will have a combined 80 seats. The bloc can still bank on support from small parties, which are believed to lean toward joining a government rather than sitting in opposition, according to the analyst.

The likelihood of a minority government emerging after the May 14 polls does not surprise Olarn Thinbangtieo, a political science lecturer at Burapha University.

In Thai politics, anything is possible, and the Palang Pracharath Party-led government is living proof of how a government with a razor-thin majority can manage to complete its four-year term, according to the academic.

If Gen Prayut succeeds in reclaiming the premiership after the next polls, he will come under tremendous pressure during his two-year stint before passing the baton to someone else, said Mr Olarn.

Gen Prayut’s eight-year tenure as prime minister started on April 6, 2017, when the current charter was promulgated, and if he is re-elected after the next polls, he can remain in office until 2025.

According to Mr Olarn, Pheu Thai will find itself in a dilemma after the polls and even if the party manages to lead a coalition government, its administration will likely be short-lived.

While the UTN needs only 250 seats, Pheu Thai must gather at least 350, which means it will have to bring the MFP on board. Negotiating with the MFP over policy goals and cabinet posts will not be an easy task, especially in the areas where they do not see eye to eye, according to Mr Olarn.

It is likely that the MFP will be aiming for major ministries to pursue its policy of bringing about structural changes, including the election of provincial governors and military reforms, said the academic, who noted that the MFP’s demands for the interior and defence portfolios could be a deal breaker.

Moreover, the MFP is likely to block any attempts to bring ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra home, and this can spell doom for the government, he added.

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MFP leader under fire over 2006 coup comments

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Political activist Srisuwan Janya has filed a petition with the Election Commission (EC) seeking an investigation into Move Forward Party (MFP) leader Pita Limjaroenrat’s interviews on the subject of the military during the coup in 2006.

Mr Srisuwan, secretary-general of the Association for the Protection of the Thai Constitution, yesterday asked the EC to review a statement made by Mr Pita on a TV programme hosted by well-known newscaster Sorrayuth Suthassanachinda on April 20.

During the interview, Mr Pita claimed that he missed his father’s funeral as he had been detained by officers after returning to the country during the coup in 2006. Mr Srisuwan alleged the statement was part of a move to defame the military and raise the party’s popularity before the May 14 election.

Mr Srisuwan also brought a video clip in which Mr Pita commented on the incident via a talk show hosted by Surivipa Kultangwattana in 2009.

Mr Pita’s statements in the two video clips appear contradictory, according to Mr Srisuwan. In one, Mr Pita claimed he was a member of a working panel under Somkid Jatusripitak, former economic chief of Thaksin Shinawatra’s government, while he told Surivipa that he was studying in Boston, in the US.

Mr Pita also claimed that he was detained at Don Mueang which meant he could not attend his father’s funeral in time, while he told Surivipa he was questioned by officers for four to five hours and did not miss the funeral.

Mr Srisuwan said many had criticised Mr Pita’s statement, particularly Panpree Phathithanukorn, a member of the Pheu Thai Party’s economic panel and Thailand trade representative in the Thaksin Shinawatra government, who said officers just questioned and then released everyone later.

Therefore, Mr Pita’s interviews could breach Section 73 of the Organic Act on the Election of Members of the House of Representatives 2018.

The punishment carries a maximum term of 10 years in jail and/or a fine of between 20,000 and 200,000 baht, as well as a ban from politics for at least 20 years.

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Govt to open centre to limit fishing boats

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Pattani: The Southern Border Provinces Administrative Centre (SBPAC) is preparing to set up a one-stop-service centre to distribute compensation money for owners of fishing boats who wish to leave the industry as a part of the Sustainable Management of Marine Fisheries Resource Project.

Chonthun Sangpoom, deputy secretary-general of the SBPAC, visited the location of the one-stop-service centre assisting fishermen in the three southernmost provinces in tambon Bana in Muang district of Pattani province.

Mr Chonthun said that the project aims to reduce the number of fishing boats in the deep South.

He added that the centre will be operating from May 8, and the owners of 96 fishing boats are expected to be the first to be compensated for exiting the fishing industry.

On Feb 26, a cabinet resolution granted 163 million baht as a compensation fund for fishermen to endorse the government’s goal of reducing the number of fishing boats.

Mr Chonthun said the fund would subsidise fishermen and entrepreneurs in the industry. He explained that fishing boat owners could request compensation at the service centre on weekdays during office hours.

He said fishing boat owners must also apply for approval for boat disassembly.

The process is a joint effort between the SBPAC and Internal Security Operations Command Region 4.

Mr Chonthun further said that the first instalment is worth 80% of the sum while the second is the remaining balance of the compensation.

In September last year, deputy government spokeswoman Rachada Dhnadirek said that 9,608 registered fishing boats were operating, which was above sustainable levels.

To prevent further damage to fishery resources, the government has endorsed compensation for owners of registered fishing boats as well as those who conduct illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing to leave the industry.

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‘No gift’ campaign launched

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Tough penalties for bribing govt officials

The National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) has urged the private sector not to offer bribes to government officers and advised them to impose internal measures to curb the illegal practice.

NACC Secretary-General Niwatchai Kasemmongkol said bribery was a national problem, and there were cases in which bribes were offered in exchange for business benefits across borders.

Mr Niwatchai said bribery is affecting the country’s credibility and efficiency of budgetary spending.

The NACC, therefore, is promoting good governance in the public sector to create a “No Gift” culture, he said.

A so-called Anti-Bribery Advisory Service (Abas) Centre has begun providing knowledge and guidelines to the private sector concerning the laws on offering bribes to government officials.

Abas will introduce measures aimed at preventing bribery.

In addition, Mr Niwatchai said, the NACC has issued new rules that allow it to prosecute private sector firms involved in bribing government officials and those working in international agencies.

Mr Niwatchai stated that bribery should be prevented at both ends — the private sector, the bribe giver, government officers, or the bribe taker.

The secretary-general said those who offer bribes to government officers are subject to penalty under Section 176 of the Anti-Corruption Act B.E. 2561.

The NACC has advised juristic persons susceptible to public bribery to clearly identify their expenses for government agencies and impose measures to inspect these expenses.

Mr Niwatchai said that according to the Act, the value of the gift given to government officers must not exceed 3,000 baht.

The secretary-general warned that juristic persons or businesses should also not pay commissions to government officers for whatever reason to avoid risking breaking anti-bribery laws.

The NACC is an independent organisation supervised by nine commissioners selected from various professions.

It is authorised to undertake work on the prevention and suppression of malfeasance, particularly in government agencies, on assets investigations, as well as on the monitoring of ethics and virtues of political position holders.

It has the authority to file charges in court and support and build awareness of the penalties for committing corruption.

Since 1997, Thai courts have ruled against and punished politicians, former ministers, high-ranking government officials, as well as executives of the private sector in the thousands of cases submitted by the NACC.

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