UN heavyweight faces off with Myanmar’s strongman

The United Nations Under-Secretary for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator Martin Griffiths made a visit this week to Myanmar’s military capital Naypyidaw, and went mano-a-mano with dictator Min Aung Hlaing, recently self-appointed prime minister and head of the State Administration Council (SAC) junta.

Griffiths, also the head of the Office Coordinating Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), is probably the highest-ranking UN official to visit Myanmar since the February 2021 coup.

The UN and international aid agencies have been facing severe restrictions on responding not just to spreading armed conflict throughout Myanmar, which has displaced nearly two million civilians, but also following Cyclone Mocha devastated large parts of Rakhine state and Magwe and Sagaing Regions in mid-May. The military continues to obstruct recovery efforts and reconstruction.

State-run media ran this headline the day after Griffiths and Min Aung Hlaing met and shook hands in Naypyidaw; “Global community should seek accurate information on Myanmar’s situation.”

From the military’s side, the topics for discussion ranged from “spreading misinformation on various situations of Myanmar in the international community, the need for the international community to know actual conditions in Myanmar, lesser aid of international organizations including the United Nations for Myanmar in the period when the Covid-19 broke out and storm (Cyclone) Mocha hit, and further cooperation in humanitarian aid.”

This could be summarized as Min Aung Hlaing blaming the UN and the international community for the violence and dysfunction fueled by his failing military rule. We shouldn’t mistake Griffiths’ visit as a genuine gesture of cooperation from the SAC after years of foreign aid obstruction across the country.

For Min Aung Hlaing it was a “kneel before me” moment, even if the OCHA head isn’t “a take the knee” kind of guy. A seasoned diplomat, founder of the Center for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD Center) and advisor to Middle East peace envoys, Griffiths is a practiced interlocutor with despots. Maybe that’s the problem: he’s simply going through the motions.

Myanmar junta leader Min Aung Hlaing has shown defiance to ASEAN but the bloc may nonetheless accept his elections as legitimate. Photo: Asia Times Files / AFP / Sefa Karacan / Anadolu Agency

It was therefore glumly predictable Griffiths would release a tepid statement. “Successive crises in Myanmar have left one-third of the population in need of humanitarian aid. They expect more and better from their leaders and from the international community” is pointing out not just the obvious but the clear implication that the UN has been failing.

Then, quite brazenly, Griffiths claimed the UN could do better with more access and more funding, reminding a miserly world that the UN humanitarian response plan was only 22% funded.

It’s clear that UN communications messaging is comfortable with stark contradictions, but fund-raising after shaking hands with a war criminal and visiting disaster-racked Rakhine state? Indecorous, if not dehumanizing.

And if the UN has been unable to credibly claim they were capable of doing more with increased funding, then why give them more cash? A hangdog foreigner with hat in hand pleading for mercy and more money doesn’t move a war criminal.

The standard UN reproach after visits like this is wait-and-see the results: even small changes on the ground are evidence of progress and perhaps Griffiths’ was able to penetrate Min Aung Hlaing’s hard shell.

Unlikely. There has been intense criticism of the UN and the international community for their lack of progress in moving the SAC. Griffiths’ visit should be proof that Myanmar hasn’t completely disappeared from the UN’s conscience, and regardless of the view on “success”, he made the effort and is trying. But this is short-term memory loss logic.

Griffiths and the SAC have been at odds before. Responding to the Christmas Eve massacre at Hpruso in Kayah state, where SAC forces murdered 35 civilians and set fire to their vehicles, Griffiths released a statement two days later that stated:

“I condemn this grievous incident and all attacks against civilians throughout the country. I call upon the authorities to immediately commence a thorough and transparent investigation…(and) call upon the Myanmar Armed Forces and all armed groups in Myanmar to take all measures to protect civilians from harm.”

The SAC’s unconvincing response claimed: “Then, about 10 terrorists who were waiting on the hills of the village attacked with (assorted weapons)…KNPP (Karenni National Progressive Party and PDF (People’s Defense Forces) terrorists, including newcomers for explosive training, were arrested dead…the seven vehicles carrying petrol, diesel and foodstuffs collected from the villages by force for the terrorist groups were burnt.”

This has been the SAC’s response to UN accusations of war crimes since the 2021 coup: deny everything and wait for the UN to move on. It’s rumored it was Griffiths who defenestrated former UN special envoy Noeleen Heyzer. If there was valid criticism of Heyzer’s lack of progress, and a lot of criticism was misplaced, the SAC now sits squarely in Griffith’s inbox.

Former special envoy on Myanmar Noeleen Heyzer visiting a Rohingya refugee camp in Bangladesh in August 2022. Image: Twitter / Screengrab

Three further points from Griffiths’ visit are evident. First, the obstruction of aid after Cyclone Mocha provides ample evidence of the SAC’s insincerity in helping people in need.

A recent report from the independent Center for Arakan Studies comparing responses to Cyclone Mocha and the devastating 2008 Cyclone Nargis indicated very similar military obstructing tactics to both disasters, and crucially in the weeks after the May storm, severe restrictions on Rakhine civil society aid workers – something Griffiths failed to mention in his statement.

The UN and aid organizations have also not been able to ensure unfettered access in conflict areas in Myanmar’s northwest, let alone in Rakhine and eastern borderlands, and the majority of aid delivered is in firmly SAC-controlled territory.

Second, Griffiths’ visit illustrates how utterly ineffective the UN Country Team has been, especially since Mocha. The Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator (ad interim) Ramanathan Balakrishnan has displayed all the qualities of senior UN management in an authoritarian setting in order to achieve maximum ineffectiveness. Griffiths wouldn’t have had to visit if the country team had been able to do its job. It’s not a performance that compels donors to reach for their checkbooks.

And third, Griffiths’ approach brings high-level international humanitarian mediation into further disrepute. A recent essay in Foreign Affairs by Natasha Hall and Emma Beals, entitled “Humanitarian Blackmail”, outlines the recent failures of UN engagement with authoritarian states, including Myanmar.

They argue that “humanitarian negotiation are no substitute for conflict resolution.” Using the case of the captured Cyclone Mocha response, the essay states: “As conditions on the ground worsen, the junta has done nothing to alleviate the suffering of the people they govern, likely waiting for high-level visits from senior officials from the UN…such negotiations legitimize their role as the primary international interlocutor and decision-maker regarding aid.”

It goes on to castigate international aid actors for failing to “reach communities outside junta control…in places where the government consistently impedes, manipulates, or diverts aid, it may be more effective for humanitarians to work outside the UN and in ways that do not require official consent.”

Although there are significant programs already out of the SAC’s control, including cross-border assistance and expanding “resistance humanitarianism”, which has been a feature of aid work in eastern Myanmar conflict zones for decades, the issue is one of scale and increased funding in areas outside of UN operating zones: not easy to do when foreign donors have funneled so much post-coup aid through the UN Office of Project Services (UNOPS), which has had no qualms with cooperating with the SAC.

It is not clear if, as part of the official protocol, Griffiths was taken on a tour of the recently opened Maravijaya Buddha statue in Naypyidaw, the tallest sitting marble Buddha in the world, with Min Aung Hlaing as its prominent patron.

Any courtesy visit would be potentially more scandalous that shaking Min Aung Hlaing’s hand. In recent days, there has been criticism over prohibitively expensive visiting and photography fees for the general public.

The entrance fee for foreigners is US$10. Perhaps Griffiths could have started the fundraising right then and there?

David Scott Mathieson is an independent analyst working on conflict, humanitarian and human rights issues on Myanmar

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Driven by passion and profit, more young Singaporeans buy art

“I think it speaks first to the cultural heritage and passion for people’s own culture and the passion that they have in rediscovering the continuum of art. You don’t see artists today that haven’t been inspired by artists from yesterday, who are not inspired from artists from the day before.”

Art Consultancy Metis Art has also seen a rise in millennials purchasing works.

While they do not track the numbers, the firm’s director of education and consultancy Christine Chua said: “The pandemic was a turning point. Without the bustle of office life and constant travel, a lot of millennials became more introspective and curious about art. They also started to notice the empty spaces on their walls at home.”

While auction house Bonhams does not provide data by region, purchases by millennials and Gen Z clients increased by 147 per cent this year.

WHY ARE THEY BUYING ART?

Mr Hallewell said that the interest in art has partly been spurred by the economic situation over the past 18 months.

“We’ve seen the economic crisis with the stock shares, bonds, real estate volatility … The cost of living increases are having an impact and people are looking for a stable, safe haven investment. So art over the years has been demonstrated to be extremely resilient,” he said.

Ms Chua said that from a financial standpoint, society is in the midst of a “great generational wealth transfer” and art as an alternative asset proves to be a good hedge against inflation.

While Mr Berlin from Christie’s acknowledged that it is fair for potential buyers to ask if art costing up to eight figures will yield strong financial returns, his auction house does not advise collectors to buy purely for investment.

“There’s so many other things you can do if you really want to invest your money from real estate, stock market, in a financial market, bonds and we think these are more liquid and they are more easily accessible and sometimes even easier to price. We believe that art has to be a passion, collecting has to be a passion,” he said.

Art collection is, however, no cheap affair.

To acquire a valuable art piece, industry players said individuals must be willing to fork out at least between S$10,000 and S$50,000, a steep starting point that may be daunting for some newcomers.

Portfolio expert from Great Eastern Eddy Lim said that in terms of general investments, clients under the age of 35 typically do not invest more than S$3,000 a year, partly due to their limited disposable income.

People in this age group tend to spend their money on things like travel and concert tickets, he said.

“They’re still at a stage where they are trying to find out what works,” he added.

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China ‘contagion’ talk is last thing financial world needs

China’s Zhongzhi Enterprise Group headline-making revelations have investors uttering global markets’ least favorite word: contagion.

A liquidity crisis at the troubled shadow bank comes just days after property development giant Country Garden missed coupon payments. Concerns surrounding Country Garden’s finances echo the China Evergrande Group default debacle of 2021.

Yet trouble in China’s US$3 trillion shadow banking sector raises the stakes considerably. The extreme opacity that pervades the industry means that neither investors nor credit rating companies know the true magnitude of leverage in the financial system.

Zhongzhi, with businesses ranging from mining to wealth management and high exposure to real estate, is a microcosm of the problem.

Its stumble has triggered broader fears of additional dominoes among Chinese conglomerates to fall. PTSD from earlier collapses of Anbang Insurance Group and HNA Group is just below the surface.

Since the end of July, Zhongrong International Trust Co, a leading company controlled by Zhongzhi, has missed dozens of payments on investment products.

It’s the latest sign of how China’s property debt woes are rippling through the economy and imperiling global markets.

“The worry is that a ‘Lehman moment’ beckons, threatening the solvency of China’s financial system,” says economist Xiaoxi Zhang at Gavekal Dragonomics.

Economist Ting Lu at Nomura Holdings adds that “markets still underestimate the aftermath of the significant collapse in China’s property sector.”

Chinese property developers are having trouble meeting their financial obligations. Photo: iStock

Concerns about Zhongzhi, which has more than 1 trillion yuan of assets under management, Zhang says, is a reminder that “debt strains from property developers and local government financing vehicles are spreading across China’s economy.”

The good news, Zhang adds, is that regulatory vigilance means a rerun of the 2008 US crisis is unlikely. The bad news is that debt strains are popping up in too many sectors for comfort.

In the case of Zhongzhi, its affiliated companies offer trust products and private “directed financing” wealth-management products to high-net-worth individuals.

These target aggressive returns — typically above 6% per year — in part by investing heavily in so-called “non-standard assets,” a residual category that spans products from trust loans to accounts receivables.

The end borrowers, Zhang explains, are often firms that can’t access traditional bank loans so they turn to these more expensive shadow-financing channels.

They include many property developers and off-balance sheet local government financing vehicles, which face serious debt problems this year.

“The elevated risk of this type of lending is reflected in returns on ‘collective’ trust products,” Zhang says, “which raise funds from more than one investor — the majority of trust products. These returns have remained elevated in recent years, even as bank lending rates and corporate bond yields have fallen.”

Goldman Sachs analyst Shuo Yang notes that “given the recent net asset value markdowns and redemptions, we expect growth in trust products to slow, which could result in tighter property financing conditions, and affect banks’ earnings and balance sheets.”

Those financing conditions are partly contingent upon the direction of central bank policies from Washington to Tokyo.

Economists at ING Bank wrote in a note to clients that “we think the Fed will indeed leave interest rates unchanged in September, but we don’t think it will carry through with that final forecast hike.” They worry that further rate hikes could heighten the chances of recession.

Yang’s Goldman colleague, chief economist Jan Hatzius, says the US Federal Reserve’s first rate cut after tightening 11 times in 17 months, will likely be in the second quarter of 2024.

By then, “we expect core personal consumption expenditure inflation to have fallen below 3% on a year-on-year basis and below 2.5% on a monthly annualized basis, and wage growth to have fallen below 4% year-on-year.”

Hatzius adds that “those thresholds for cutting align roughly with the annual forecasts in the [Fed’s] summary of economic projections and the conditions at the outset of the last cutting cycle motivated by an intent to normalize from a restrictive policy stance as inflation came down in 1995.”

In 2022, Hatzius adds, “We initially took the view that the Fed was unlikely to cut until a growth scare emerged, but we softened our stance earlier this year and have since assumed that a convincing decline in inflation would probably be enough to prompt cuts.”

The People’s Bank of China would like favor a halt in US interest rate hikes. Image: Twitter

This could relieve pressure on the People’s Bank of China to manage a widening gap between US and Chinese debt yields. In the meantime, though, analysts at Citigroup expect more trust defaults as headwinds bear down on China’s property sector. But in a recent note to clients, they stopped short at predicting of Lehman Brothers-like reckoning.

“As the problems in the property development sector are not new and have already been unfolding for several years, we think investors would have already psychologically prepared for the potential of defaults,” Citi writes.

Yet the opacity that surrounds the property sector is intensifying worries that Country Garden won’t be the last company to delay payment on private onshore bonds.

“Unlike banks, which have holding power and are able to roll over credit to wait for an eventual resolution, alternative financing channels such as trusts may default once trust investors are unwilling to roll over the products,” says analyst Katherine Lei at JPMorgan.

“The default events may lead to a chain reaction on developer financing, adding stress to privately-owned enterprise developers and their creditors,” Lei said.

The geopolitical scene is adding fresh headwinds for President Xi Jinping’s economy. Last week, US President Joe Biden banned US investors from investing in sections of China’s chips, quantum computing and artificial intelligence industries.

The step could upend efforts to lift Sino-US ties from their historic lows, adding to the reasons why investors are worried about China’s trajectory.

This latest step is “spectacularly bad timing for China,” says economist Eswar Prasad at Cornell University.  It comes as confidence is “falling, growth is stalling” and China “seems to be sliding into a downward spiral” amid deflation, low growth and lack of confidence all feeding on each other, Prasad says.

Analyst Gabriel Wildau at political risk advisory Teneo notes that “the investment restrictions largely mirror export controls already in place, including those that ban exports to China of machinery and software used to produce advanced semiconductors.”

Wildau adds that “unprecedentedly tough restrictions that the US Commerce Department issued in October – soon to be expanded – already rendered new US investment in advanced Chinese semiconductor production effectively impossible, since any such factory would need imported equipment covered by those restrictions.”

All this, warns Jens Eskelund, president of the European Union Chamber of Commerce in China, amounts to a “perfect storm” damaging foreign investors’ confidence in Asia’s biggest economy.

“From an FDI perspective, China is experiencing a perfect storm in which there are many factors now conspiring,” Eskelund told the South China Morning Post, referring to supply chain chaos, manufacturing disruptions, geopolitical tensions and slowing economic growth that “affect investor sentiment.”

In the second quarter of 2023, multinational companies turned “less optimistic” on China in terms of macro trends, consumption, labor and cost metrics, according to Morgan Stanley’s mainland sentiment Index.

Morgan Stanley analyst Laura Wang notes that this marks the first time since late 2021 when all four areas showed deterioration.

What’s needed, analysts say, is for Xi’s Communist Party to make good on its 2013 pledge to give market forces a “decisive” role in Beijing’s decision-making. This means, in part, taking steps to put the proverbial horse before the cart.

Over the last decade, Xi’s party tended to over-promise and under-deliver reform-wise.

Chinese President Xi Jinping on a large screen during a cultural performance as part of the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China on June 28, 2021. Photo: Asia Times Files / AFP / Noel Celis

During the Xi era, China has opened equity markets ever wider to overseas investors. Beijing has done the same with government bonds, which are being added to a who’s-who of global indexes.

Trouble is, access to exchanges in Shanghai and Shenzhen often outpace the domestic reforms needed to ready China Inc for the global prime time.

China, as is often said, is working from its own playbook, one that even detractors grudgingly admit has a way of beating the odds. Myriad times since 1997, analysts, investors and shortsellers predicted a credit-and-debt-fueled crash that has yet to arrive.

Even so, there are certain laws of gravity that still apply to economies transitioning from state-driven and export-led growth to services, innovation and domestic consumption.

One of those laws states that developing economies should build credible and trusted markets before trillions of dollars of outside capital arrive.

This means regulators must methodically increase transparency, prod companies to raise their governance games, devise reliable surveillance mechanisms like credit rating players and strengthen the financial architecture before the world’s investors show up.

On Xi’s watch, China has become less transparent and the media less free. And this is the problem facing Xiconomics: too often China has believed it can build a world-class financial system after, not before, waves of foreign capital arrive.  

Follow William Pesek on X, formerly known as Twitter, at @WilliamPesek

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China’s Evergrande bankruptcy filing an expected part of debt restructuring plan, unlikely to have contagion effect on economy: Observers

The property sector accounts for roughly a quarter of China’s economy.

Evergrande was once the country’s top-selling developer, but has become the face of China’s property sector debt crisis, after falling into a liquidity crisis in the middle of 2021. It is currently the most indebted property developer globally, with over US$300 billion in debt.

PART OF RESTRUCTURING PLAN

Experts told CNA that the bankruptcy filing is part of a debt restructuring plan rather than a signal of wider financial turmoil.

Mr William Ma, chief investment officer of GROW Investment Group, told CNA’s Asia Now on Friday that the filing was “not totally surprising”, and noted that there is currently a rebound and positive stock performance in the property sector.

“If we wind the clock back a little bit, actually Evergrande kind of suspended its equity trading since March last year, to buy time for the debt restructuring,” he said.

He said the company has been undergoing a debt restructuring plan since March this year, and also announced its earnings a few weeks ago.

“Filing Chapter 15, from my perspective, is part of the restructuring process. And actually this is positive news from a broader perspective because they are dealing with it in a global institutionalised way,” said Mr Ma.

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PM candidate won’t get to speak before vote

Five hours allocated for parliamentary debate on Tuesday with final result expected by 5.30pm

PM candidate won’t get to speak before vote
Parliament president Wan Muhamad Noor Matha speaks to reporters at parliament on July 10. On Friday he announced the ground rules for the vote for the country’s 30th prime minister. (Photo: Chanat Katanyu)

Prime ministerial candidate Srettha Thavisin will not be asked to deliver a vision statement ahead of a parliamentary vote on Tuesday, a meeting to review procedures for the session has concluded.

The rules were agreed on by whips from the Senate and representatives of political parties who met on Friday with parliament president Wan Muhamad Noor Matha.

Mr Wan said the joint sitting of the House and Senate on Tuesday would start at 10am, with five hours allocated for lawmakers to debate — 2 hours for senators and 3 hours for MPs. The vote is expected to start at 3pm and finish by 5.30pm.

Barring any last-minute surprises, the Pheu Thai Party as the head of the coalition is expected to nominate Mr Srettha, the former chief executive of the property developer Sansiri Plc.

Some backers of Mr Srettha were hoping he would have a chance to outline his views in the chamber, if only to win over some sceptical senators.

The Pheu Thai-led coalition is expected to have the support of 314 MPs, meaning it will need another 61 votes from senators to reach a simple majority of 375 out of the 749 members participating.

Mr Srettha did not seek office in the May 14 election as a constituency or party-list MP. There are no rules specifically barring a non-MP from addressing a parliamentary meeting, Mr Wan said.

However, those who attended Friday’s meeting did not believe it was necessary for anyone nominated for prime minister to give a vision statement because the constitution and parliamentary regulations did not stipulate any such requirement, he added.

When regulations regarding this issue were drafted in parliament, only 47 voted in favour of hearing from the candidate while 370 voted against, said Mr Wan.

The whips also discussed a motion raised by Move Forward Party list-MP Rangsiman Rome in a previous parliament session and agreed it could be debated on Tuesday, said the parliament president.

However, they argued that as parliament had earlier voted on the issue in line with parliamentary regulation No 151, the resolution could not be reviewed.

Mr Rangsiman said earlier on Friday that he would urge parliament to reconsider its decision on July 19 to reject the renomination of Move Forward leader Pita Limjaroenrat as prime minister.

That decision was challenged in the Constitutional Court, which declined to hear the case. It said that only the person directly affected by such a decision, in this case Mr Pita, had the right to file such a petition.

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Pura Luka Vega: Philippine drag queen for dressing as Jesus

Some clubs have cancelled Pura Luka Vega's shows since the religious uproar in JulyPura Luka Vega/ Instgram

Christian groups in the Philippines are suing a drag queen who dressed as Jesus Christ and performed a rock rendition of the Biblical verse, Lord’s Prayer.

The two criminal complaints accuse the performer, 33-year-old Pura Luka Vega, of “desecrating their religious faith and patron”.

A video of a bearded Luka performing the verse in Filipino went viral last month, causing an uproar.

Luka, who has dressed as Christ before, defended their performance as art.

The latest performance seems to have drawn attention after Luka shared a video of it on X, formerly known as Twitter. It has angered the deeply religious country, where some church leaders and lawmakers have called the performance “blasphemous”.

At the end of July, the Philippines for Jesus Movement, comprising Protestant church leaders, registered the first criminal complaint and sued Luka. The second complaint came this week from a Catholic group, Nazarene Brotherhood.

Philippines, a former Spanish colony, is predominantly Roman Catholic – nearly 80% of the country identifies as such, according to the most recent poll in February.

Days after the video went viral, many cities, including the capital Manila, made Luka “persona non grata”, a symbolic move declaring them no longer welcome in the city.

While it does not actually prevent Luka from entering these cities, it has cost them work, with some clubs cancelling scheduled shows. Drag queens like Luka mostly earn a living by performing in clubs.

In the past, other Philippine artists have been criticised for performances or art that some saw as offensive to the Christian faith. In 2011, visual artist Mideo Cruz drew outrage from the Catholic church for an installation that included crucifixes and phallic symbols.

For decades, drag queens in the country have performed mostly as comedians, impersonating singers and actresses and delivering punchlines in stand-up shows, often at the audience’s expense.

Luka is part of a new generation of drag queens who position themselves as artists using their performances to test the limits of free speech.

Father Jerome Secillano, spokesperson of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines, told the BBC that an expression of faith should contain reverence.

“I know Pura Luka Vega said it was art… What they did was a mockery of our faith,” he said. “We’re calling the act itself offensive, whether it’s done by a man, woman, or a member of the LGBTQ community.”

In response to the backlash, Luka apologised to those who were offended by the Jesus act but defended their right to express their faith.

“What people don’t understand is that Luka grew up with a religious background [and] still practices their faith in their own way,” said Dulcinea Zulueta, who works with Luka. Luka did not wish to speak to the BBC.

Ms Zulueta says they have both received death threats: “I got called an accomplice to a crime just because I supported Luka. We got messages from pastors telling us we’re going to hell.”

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Singapore wins big at orchid conference, but local growers lament challenging conditions to cultivate hybrids

Singapore swept the top three spots in the best plant category, as well as the top two prizes for landscaping.

Singapore Botanic Gardens, which won the orchid landscape competition, said its display showcased some of the nation’s heritage orchids created by local breeders, as well as some naturally occurring native species.

“One of the orchids that we wanted to showcase over here is the deer antler orchid because its inflorescence kind of resembles that of a deer. It puts up small, dainty beautiful red blooms,” said National Orchid Garden manager Jeremy Yeo, who designed the winning landscape.

Participants will also attend seminars on the science of orchid growing and how best to cultivate and cross breed them.

Some 50,000 orchid enthusiasts and experts from around the world are expected to attend the five-day event, which is being held in Singapore for the first time.  

Mr Tan Puay Yok, group director of Singapore Botanic Gardens and NParks, which are co-chairs of the conference, said that hosting the event is of much significance to Singapore.

“Over time, the national flower has become incorporated into our currencies, our notes, our stamps, floral prints for dresses and so forth,” he said. “So for me, this is particularly significant because a humble flower like that has helped to strengthen the national identity of Singaporeans.”

The event will run until Aug 20.

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Regional security concerns accelerated ties among Japan, South Korea, US: Analysts

“This broad cooperation coming out of Camp David is not a formal alliance or a collective security, but it’s getting close to that step,” said Dr Patrick Cronin, Asia-Pacific Security chair at think tank Hudson Institute.

“If a war were to break out in the region, these three countries would be ready from day one to cooperate across a range of contingencies,” he told CNA938’s Asia First.

REGIONAL SECURITY COMPLICATIONS

The summit comes amid concerns over provocative behaviour from North Korea and perceived threats from a growing Chinese military and its activities in the South China Sea.

Dr Takuya Matsuda, research fellow at the Yokosuka Council on Asia-Pacific Studies, said that the improving relationship between Japan and South Korea, which has for decades been strained due to historical disputes, is mainly a by-product of China’s actions in the region.

He said the speed of warming ties came as a surprise to most Asia observers, who were not expecting so much progress in so little time.

“Chinese provocation inadvertently brought together Japan and South Korea, who would have had trouble getting on the same page just four or five years ago,” he told CNA’s Asia First.

He drew a parallel to Europe, where Sweden’s and Finland’s ascension to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was an effect of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s ongoing invasion of Ukraine.

“Provocation does invite others to unite together. When there are security challenges that jeopardise the security of countries in a region, that actually brings nations together in unexpected ways. This is why (the summit) is very historic and also a very promising development,” said Dr Matsuda.

Dr Cronin cited an incident earlier this month, when China’s coastguard fired a water cannon on Philippine vessels near a disputed shoal, as one such instance of Beijing flexing its muscle in the South China Sea.

“If China is going to intimidate and use force and coercion or economic statecraft against others, then they should expect this reaction,” he said, referring to the summit.

“The region is responding to China’s actions. We don’t want decoupling, but we’re going to have some protection, form some alliances, and have some security partnerships.”

JAPAN-SOUTH KOREA RELATIONSHIP

Japan’s shift away from its decades-long pacifist ideals have been in the spotlight in recent years as Tokyo struggles to strike a balance between the need for defence and its post-World War II constitutional restrictions on its military.

For South Korea, while North Korea remains a primary threat, Seoul has also begun to view China as a potential security issue.

“For example, a Taiwan contingency does not only affect Japan. South Korea’s tankers, vessels, and trade ships go through the Taiwan Strait. So if there’s a blockade over Taiwan, it will affect South Korea as well,” said Dr Matsuda.

“So, while China is more of a threat for Japan and the US, Seoul is also starting to feel the potential security challenge.”

These common security concerns have pushed the two major US treaty allies to work together.

While Japan needs South Korea as a partner for regional defence, Seoul also needs Tokyo to elevate its position on the world stage in order to play a global pivotal state role, said Dr Cronin.

This is one key priority for South Korean President Yoon, and he has made tremendous efforts to improve ties with Japan after he came into power last year, he added.

“(Yoon does not want to) simply focus on the North Korea problem. He wants to really try to have some muscle in the region and globally. So he needs a good relationship with Japan to deal with North Korea, and also as a bridge to deal with other regions of the world.”

WHY IS THE SUMMIT SIGNIFICANT?

Aside from Japan-South Korea ties, observers said the Camp David summit is also significant as it is a first step for the three countries to put in place a security framework.

It will also pave the way for their national security delegates to coordinate on regional matters more frequently, and establish a shared command and control structure.

“While they are well-prepared for deterrence in peacetime, they’re not as well-prepared as they need to be for a range of crises. The leaders need to align their policies and capabilities, and talk seriously about extended deterrence,” Dr Cronin said.

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Director misappropriated S.5 million woman gave to secure loan from financier who was actually bankrupt

SINGAPORE: A director of a consultancy business misappropriated a sum of S$1.5 million (US$1.1 million) a woman had forked out as a deposit for a loan of S$15 million she intended to get for her real estate business.

The director kept S$250,000 for himself and gave the rest to the purported financier, who had actually been declared bankrupt in two countries. 

Vincent Jason Sadok Fook Tai, 43, was sentenced to three years and nine months’ jail on Thursday (Aug 17).

He pleaded guilty to one count of criminal breach of trust by dishonestly misappropriating S$1.5 million, with another two charges taken into consideration.

The court heard that Vincent was a director of AEC Development, a consultancy business for funding and financing of projects, and Asia Alternative Fund, a restricted scheme fund.

WONG APPROACHES HIM FOR LOAN

Around May 2020, Vincent was introduced to Wong Poh Kun, now 69. Wong was looking for a loan of at least S$150,000 for personal reasons, and Vincent heard that Wong needed the loan as an interim measure.

Wong later asked Vincent for a loan of S$1 million. 

In December 2020, Vincent’s company AEC entered into a loan agreement with a group of real estate companies including Abiel Holdings, whose director was 48-year-old Maureen Li Ee Ling.

AEC was to disburse a loan of S$15 million to Abiel Holdings, in return for preferential shares of Abiel Holdings. The loan was for the development of a commercial site in Aljunied.

At the time of the signing of the agreement, Vincent’s company did not have the funds available to be disbursed, and the loan was purportedly to be financed by a funder based in Hong Kong.

Vincent later shared with Wong that his company had entered into an agreement over this project. Wong asked to be linked up with Ms Li, with Wong possibly financing a loan to the Abiel companies with a deposit of S$1.5 million with Vincent’s AAF company as proof of fund.

Vincent was promised S$500,000 if he could secure S$1 million for Wong from Ms Li, and he agreed.

He introduced Wong to Ms Li as a potential investor who could provide the funds required under the agreement. 

At a physical meeting of the trio on Feb 25, 2021, Wong lied to Vincent and Ms Li that he was a wealthy businessman who was a seasoned property developer and financier of projects in Singapore, Malaysia and Australia.

He also claimed that he had sources of funding from a pool of Australian investors.

However, in reality, Wong had been declared bankrupt in Malaysia since October 2019, and was declared bankrupt in Singapore in June 2020. Vincent knew about Wong’s bankruptcy status in Singapore in December 2020, but did not know that he was also bankrupt in Malaysia.

At the meeting, Wong allegedly claimed that the Abiel companies had to provide S$1.5 million as proof of funds before he could organise his funds to arrive from Australia.

The money was to be transferred to Vincent’s company, AAF, and held for three months. Ms Li was assured that the S$1.5 million would be kept in the account of AAF, and not utilised or withdrawn.

Ms Li expressed concerns, but Vincent assured her that AAF was a regulated fund by the Monetary Authority of Singapore and that her funds were protected.

Ms Li agreed to the terms and delivered a cheque of S$1.5 million to AAF. 

Vincent withdrew the entire sum and handed over S$1.25 million to Wong in cash and bank transfers. He kept S$250,000 for himself, claiming to have used it to upgrade his office.

In May 2021, when Ms Li was chasing him and questioning the delay in the disbursement of the loan, Vincent forged a bank statement purporting that his company had received a transfer of S$15 million, to deceive MS Li into believing that the loan quantum from Wong had been received.

Vincent also forged a letter from the Inland Revenue Authority of Singapore purporting that his company had outstanding overdue corporate tax, so Ms Li would believe the bank account had been frozen because of this.

The finance director of one of Ms Li’s companies lodged a police report in July 2021 over the S$15 million loan that did not materialise.

Vincent made restitution of S$1,000 to the victim in January last year, while Wong has not made any restitution.

The prosecution sought a jail term of between four and four-and-a-half years for Vincent, pointing to how he had abused the trust that commercial transactions operate on.

He had dishonestly misappropriated the sum transferred to his company, which he had specifically assured would be protected.

Wong’s case is pending. When he was charged in January last year, he had claimed that he was a respectable businessman who had completed multimillion-dollar development projects. He asked why he would cheat someone “for a small sum of S$1.5 million”, saying “it doesn’t make sense at all”.

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