PM candidate faces vote uncertainty

PM candidate faces vote uncertainty
Pheu Thai candidate Srettha Thavinsin arrives at the 15th polling station on Soi Sukhumvit 16 in Bangkok on May 14. (Photo: Somchai Poomlard)

The Pheu Thai (PT) Party is confident its prime ministerial candidate will win endorsement from parliament in the next PM vote, a party source said.

However, the source said that before the vote, things may take an unexpected turn, and Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP) leader and PM candidate Prawit Wongsuwon could emerge as the new prime minister, with the support of renegade MPs from Pheu Thai.

The source said that all eyes are on whether parliament president Wan Muhamad Noor Matha will today issue a letter setting a date for the next PM vote. The voting session must be set three days in advance.

If the vote is to be held on Friday, the source said the letter must be issued by today.

The source went on to say that a team of Pheu Thai negotiators have now gathered enough support for its PM candidate, Srettha Thavinsin, from other parties.

The source said the senators are also likely to vote in his favour as Pheu Thai has turned its back on the Move Forward Party (MFP), whose policy to amend Section 112 of the Criminal Code, known as the lese majeste law, is opposed by the senators.

Prawit for PM?

But if the senators still refuse to vote for Mr Srettha, this means Pheu Thai is deceived and is being used as a springboard for Gen Prawit to become the next prime minister, the source said.

Some believe senators may not vote for any of Pheu Thai’s three candidates but choose to support those from the “conservative” camp as it attempts to secure the premiership.

Anutin Charnvirakul, leader and PM candidate of the Bhumjaithai Party, or Gen Prawit, may benefit from this situation.

The other two Pheu Thai PM candidates are Paetongtarn Shinawatra, daughter of former PM Thaksin Shinawatra, and Chaikasem Nitisiri.

Srettha: May not receive Senate support

“If Pheu Thai decides to become a stepping stone for Gen Prawit, this will spell doom for it,” the source said.

“Pheu Thai executives must make a wise decision as the stakes are high. During the campaign for the May 14 election, we promised that we would not work with the ‘uncle’ parties [referring to parties linked with military leaders involved in the 2014 coup],” the source said.

The “uncles” refer to Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, the former UTN chief adviser and its prime ministerial candidate, and Gen Prawit.

The source said Pheu Thai earlier cited “a unique political situation” as a reason to end rivalry among parties from opposite ends of the political spectrum for the sake of unity.

But the party should have mentioned this before the May 14 election so voters could decide whether they agreed with it, the source said.

“Speaking about the issue right now is like an excuse for doing all it can to form a government,” the source said.

The source said that a group of 40 MPs from the PPRP earlier promised to vote for Pheu Thai’s PM candidate, even though the PPPR has not yet announced a formal decision.

However, the red-shirt supporters still disagree with the idea of working with the PPRP because Gen Prawit remains the PPRP’s leader, the source said.

The only way for Gen Prawit to become the leader of a new government with the support of a House majority is to poach renegade MPs from Pheu Thai, the source said.

“There has also been concern that if Mr Srettha’s bid for prime minister fails in the next vote and Pheu Thai still cannot form a government, this can pave the way for an ‘outsider prime minister’ to be nominated,” the source said.

Under the constitution, if a joint sitting of parliament fails to select a new premier from party candidate lists, Section 272 would trigger an alternative route.

In such a situation, half of the 750 MPs and senators can initiate a motion to suspend the rule requiring that PM candidates come from party lists, paving the way for an outsider to be selected.

Old guard vs new one

Sukhum Nuansakul, a political analyst and former rector at Ramkhamhaeng University, said he believed that Pheu Thai’s PM candidate, Mr Srettha, would not get the support from the senators in the next PM vote.

“I don’t think the candidate’s PM bid will succeed because the senators are close to the old power group, and they will not vote in his favour,” he said.

“Actually, their real aim is to help Gen Prawit secure the premiership. If things turn out this way, street demonstrations can be expected,” he said. “The old power group wants Gen Prawit to become the next prime minister. They want to maintain the old political system and don’t want any change.”

“Pheu Thai knows about their purpose, but it still plays into the hands of the old guard when it comes to forming a government,” Mr Sukhum said.

If the so-called uncle parties are part of the Pheu Thai-led government, Pheu Thai will lose credibility, he said.

“The current situation is a battle between the existing political establishment seeking to maintain the status quo and a new generation calling for change,” Mr Sukhum said.

Asked whether it will be possible for Pheu Thai to come back to working with the MFP, Mr Sukhum said that this depends on a Constitutional Court ruling on parliament’s rejection of the renomination of MFP leader Pita Limjaroenrat.

The court is scheduled to rule tomorrow on whether to accept for consideration a petition seeking its ruling on whether Mr Pita’s rejected renomination is constitutional.

If the court rules in Mr Pita’s favour, Mr Pita can be renominated, Mr Sukhum said.

Jatuporn Prompan, former chair of the red-shirt United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship, slammed Pheu Thai over its move to include the PPRP and the UTN as part of the coalition. “Such a move has left people baffled as to what is true or false regarding the formation of a government,” he said.

During the election campaign, Pheu Thai leader Cholnan Srikaew, Ms Paetongtarn and Mr Srettha said the party would not work with the uncle parties, Mr Jatuporn said.

“Dr Cholnan said he would resign as party leader if Pheu Thai teamed up with those parties. How will he explain to the people?” he said.

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Afghanistan refugees being let down by UK, says think tank

A border force official assists and Afghan refugee on her arrival to Heathrow airportGetty Images

Many Afghan refugees have been “let down” by the UK, with some living in hotels for up to two years and now facing eviction, a think tank has said.

More in Common said lessons needed to be learned so future refugees were better supported.

It comes on the anniversary of the UK’s evacuation programme and the fall of Kabul to the Taliban on 15 August 2021.

Minister Johnny Mercer admitted there had been “challenges” but said he was determined to make Afghan schemes work.

Operation Pitting saw the UK airlift around 15,000 people out of Kabul – including British nationals, as well as people who worked with the UK in Afghanistan and their family members.

Those who had nowhere to live were placed in government-funded hotels. This was supposed to be temporary accommodation but by the end of March, there were still around 8,800 Afghans living in hotels.

The government has imposed a deadline of the end of August for Afghans to be moved out of hotels, but councils have warned some are facing homelessness as they cannot find anywhere else to live.

More In Common, an organisation founded in the wake of the murder of Labour MP Jo Cox, surveyed 132 Afghans in the UK.

It was told of failures in communication with local authorities and the Home Office on housing, rental applications being repeatedly rejected, and unsuitable homes being offered, sometimes hundreds of miles away.

One example saw a refugee living in temporary accommodation in Bristol, where they had family, offered permanent housing in Northern Ireland.

Amir Hussain Ibrahimi was evacuated from Afghanistan by the UK two years ago and has been living in a hotel in Southend-on-Sea, Essex, ever since.

The 24 year old, who was a journalist and photographer in Afghanistan, said he was forced to leave his family behind after he was arrested and attacked by the Taliban.

“The first days when I was in the hotel we had a lot of promises – the government told us that you’re going to stay three months or four months or five months,” he told BBC News.

“It is quite hard because you don’t know what is the next step for your life.”

“Sometimes you want to feel a place is like a home,” he said, adding that he had felt depressed at times since coming to the UK.

Mr Ibrahimi said he was relieved the council had finally found him a permanent home, after being rejected by more than 10 landlords. He is now waiting to see if this landlord will accept him as a tenant.

However, he said he knew many other families who had not managed to find homes.

Mr Ibrahimi acknowledged there were challenges as other Afghans did not have experience working in the UK and often had large families. However, he said the government needed to do more to help.

Amir Hussain Ibrahimi

PA Media

Cabinet Office minister Mr Mercer, who served in Afghanistan during his time in the military and is responsible for the resettlement scheme, acknowledged “things could always have been done differently” and that Afghan families had been in hotels “for far too long”.

He told the PA news agency the deadline for people to leave hotels by the end of August had been “a controversial move” but it was done “with compassion in mind”.

He said 440 Afghans had been matched to homes in the past week “and I couldn’t have generated that momentum without putting that hard deadline in there”.

The Home Office says it has provided £285m funding to help move Afghans into permanent homes.

A spokesperson for the Local Government Association said councils had worked “incredibly hard” to support Afghan families but had faced challenges including a shortage of housing.

It accepted there were lessons to be learned but blamed a “delay in funding and guidance from government for creating a lot of uncertainty”.

A UK evacuation flight out of Kabul

Ministry of Defence

Meanwhile, charities have criticised resettlement schemes for being too slow and leaving many people who want to come to the UK stuck in Afghanistan.

Since the original evacuation, the numbers arriving under the Afghan Citizens Resettlement Scheme (ACRS) have been low, with only 40 refugees who have fled Afghanistan to neighbouring countries being resettled in the UK up to the end of March, while only 14 members of at-risk groups have been resettled directly from Afghanistan.

A further 9,059 people, who arrived in the UK under Operation Pitting, have also been resettled under the ACRS, while 11,398 have been brought to the UK under a scheme for Afghans who worked for or with the UK government.

In the meantime others have taken dangerous routes like crossing the Channel in small boats, with Afghan the most common nationality recorded among those arriving this way so far this year.

Human rights organisation Justice said the schemes had been marked by “significant delays, lack of transparency and lack of consistency”.

It called for quicker processing times and better communication with applicants.

Mr Mercer acknowledged some people had been left behind after the Taliban takeover and had still not been brought to safety.

However, he said he was determined to make resettlement schemes “work properly” and that the UK should be “proud” of its efforts to rescue people.

A Home Office spokesperson said the UK had made “one of the largest commitments of any country to support Afghanistan” and there was “no need for Afghans to risk their lives by taking dangerous and illegal journeys”.

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Five key moments in the crushing of Afghan women’s rights

Woman in Kunar province, Afghanistan in Oct 2021Nava Jamshidi/BBC

“We are going to allow women to study and work within our framework. Women are going to be very active in our society,” the Taliban announced in their first press conference shortly after seizing power on 15 August 2021.

Two years on, these assurances have been firmly demolished by the Taliban government’s actions. The suppression of women’s rights under their rule is the harshest in the world, brought in through a relentless series of religious decrees from the Taliban leadership, and regional rulings that have been steadily imposed across Afghanistan.

During each of these moments, the BBC has been on ground speaking to Afghan girls and women – documenting grief, fear, hope and resolve as their lives and world have shrunk.

Short presentational grey line

September 2021 – Bar on girls’ secondary schools

The first indication of the Taliban’s attitude to women came a month after the takeover. Secondary schools opened for boys following a ministry of education statement which made no mention of girls.

“Locally, we were told not to attend classes,” a 17-year-old female student told us in Kabul at the time. “For 11 years, despite the risk of violence, I worked hard so I could become a doctor. I’m devastated,” she wept, as she waved goodbye to her brothers heading off to school.

In the same week, female employees of the Kabul city administration were told by the mayor to stay at home, with only those who performed jobs which couldn’t be done by men, allowed to continue.

But still, some women felt hope. “They’ve kept universities open, so I think they will change their policy soon,” one university student told us.

At the time, we visited the headquarters of the Taliban’s moral police, the Ministry of the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice. It had been set up in the same compound where the Ministry of Women’s Affairs of the former regime once was – a government department scrapped by the Taliban weeks after taking power.

We were told women were allowed into the ministry, but we didn’t see any.

“Why have you closed schools for girls?” I asked a Taliban spokesman sitting in the compound, surrounded by Taliban fighters.

“Girls themselves aren’t going to school,” he replied.

When challenged, he said: “We will open schools for girls across the country. We are working to improve the security situation.”

December 2021 to March 2022 – Travel restrictions and broken promise on secondary education

Kandahar girls' school in 2011 and 12 August 2023

Women responded to the restrictions by marching on the streets of Afghan cities, demanding the right to work and study. They were violently stopped by the Taliban government on multiple occasions.

“I was lashed with electric cables,” one protester told us in a discreet meeting in one of her friend’s homes. She’d been moving from place to place, fearing she’d be caught.

In January 2022, at least four female activists were detained – they were held for weeks and beaten in custody.

Restrictions were being brought in incrementally. In December 2021, the government’s virtue and vice ministry ordered that women travelling distances longer than 72km (45 miles) must be accompanied by a close male relative.

Then suddenly, there was a glimmer of hope.

On 21 March 2023, the Taliban education department announced “all students” would be able to return to school at the start of the new academic term.

Multiple Taliban officials told us that girls’ schools would reopen.

Two days later, a BBC team watched female students filter into the Sayed ul Shuhada school, wiping dust off their desks, chattering excitedly as they returned to their classrooms. But within minutes, the mood had turned.

A local Taliban education official had forwarded the headteacher a WhatsApp message, saying girls’ secondary schools would remain closed until further notice.

Many students burst into tears. “What kind of country is this? What is our sin?” one called Fatima said.

The Taliban government itself has been guarded when explaining its actions – calling them a return to traditional Islamic and Afghan values. Meanwhile, many ultra conservative clerics, tribal elders and their followers are part of the government’s support base which helped them seize power in Afghanistan, and we’ve been told there are fears within the government that it could lose that support if it makes any move that goes against the elders’ beliefs

May 2022 – New dress codes imposed

Pre-Taliban graffiti in Kabul ['Brave! Afghan women will not be silent anymore' (top), November 2021 which has now been replaced with the message: 'If Afghan woman knows her values, she will cover herself.' (photo taken 13 August 2023(bottom)

Nava Jamshidi/BBC

Less than two months later, on 7 May 2022, the government announced a decree endorsed by its supreme leader Mullah Haibatullah Akhundzada, mandating head-to-toe clothing for women.

“Those women who are not too old or young must cover their faces, except the eyes,” it read.

It also ordered that male family members should ensure that women and girls comply, or they would face action.

On the ground we could see a change in how many women were visible on the streets, and how they were dressed.

Women who had worn long colourful tunics, a hijab, jeans and high heels told us they had begun to wear loose black abayas (gowns), a hijab, a surgical mask to cover their faces and trainers or boots.

More women also began to wear black burkas.

“We don’t care what we have to wear if that means they allow us to study and work,” one explained.

While women began to disappear from public life, the number of destitute women, who had been denied the right to work and the ability to feed their families, were increasingly visible on the streets begging for help.

We began to hear of more and more girls being forced into early marriages by their families, because they were not able to get an education or a job.

October to December 2022 – Banned from university, public spaces and NGO work

Lake Qargha in September 2020 with women in boats (top) and August 2023 with no men in sight (bottom)

By October 2022, a few months had passed without any major new restrictions. When they allowed girls, including those who had not completed their last year of school, to sit for university entrance exams, hopes began to be rekindled.

During our conversations with Taliban leaders, it had become clear that there were divisions within the Taliban on the issue of women’s education.

“Some religious scholars have problems with girls going to schools. The government is trying to build a consensus and resolve the matter,” Taliban spokesman Zabiullah Mujahid told us during an interview.

But the Kandahar-based top leadership continued to harden its stance, significantly shrinking women’s freedoms by the end of the year.

In November, a vice and virtue ministry spokesman told us that women had been banned from Kabul parks because they were not following Sharia [Islamic law].

We have often seen that such rulings announced for one city are invariably implemented across Afghanistan – as was the case with the parks ban.

This time when we visited the ministry, we were told women were no longer allowed inside – we were only exempted as foreigners.

Nearby, from the roof of a restaurant overlooking an amusement park in Kabul, we saw fathers with their children, Taliban fighters, and groups of boys enjoying an evening out, with no women in sight.

Women were also barred from gyms, swimming pools and public baths.

“Every day, as girls in Afghanistan, we wake up to new restrictions,” one female student told us. “I was lucky I finished secondary school before the Taliban came. But I’m scared now that universities might also be closed for women.”

And she was right. On 20 December 2022, the Taliban higher education minister ordered that all public and private universities immediately suspend all female education until further notice.

Four days later, came another harsh blow. The Taliban’s Ministry of Economy told all local and international NGOs operating in Afghanistan to ask their female employees to stop coming to work or have their permits revoked.

July 2023 – Beauty salons banned

A woman sweeping a closed-down beauty parlour (top) and reopening a covert parlour at home (bottom)

Nava Jamshidi/BBC

The last few spaces where women could gather away from Taliban scrutiny were hair and beauty salons.

But the Taliban government’s announcement on 4 July to shut these down didn’t come as a surprise to most people.

Some 60,000 women were estimated to have been employed in salons.

“It was the only source of income for my family. My husband has health issues and cannot work. How will I feed my children?” one salon owner told us.

Despite the risks, she’s decided to run a salon from home because she says there is no other option.

Pushed indoors, we have seen some women finding ways to live their lives amid restrictions. Underground secret schools are running in parts of the country. Some NGOs still employ women who try to slip under the radar.

Women are allowed to work in security, public health, arts and craft and a few other areas.

And every once in a while, despite the very grave risk of detention and violence, groups of Afghan women continue to march on the streets, raising their voices.

One of them told us: “We are not the same women the Taliban suppressed 20 years ago. We have changed and they will have to accept it, even if we have to give up our lives for it.”

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Chinese wealth management firm stiffs big investors

A 36-year-old wealth management firm in China with more than 100,000 high-net-worth clients delayed payment of its maturing wealth products as both the company and its parent firm faced a liquidity crunch due to soured investments in the property sector.
 
Zhongrong International Trust, formerly known as Harbin International Trust, which was established in 1987, has failed to give money back to its clients over the past few days after its second-largest shareholder, Zhongzhi Enterprise Group, reportedly ran out of cash earlier this month.  

On August 11, the Shanghai-listed KBC Corp said it had bought two wealth management products issued by Zhongrong a year ago for a total of 60 million yuan (US$8.27 million) but failed to receive their principal and earnings worth 64.2 million yuan in total after they matured.

It said the investments only represented 0.86% of its total assets of 7 billion yuan and would not affect its normal business activities. But it added that this incident may hurt its profit margins this year.

Nacity Property Service, a Zhejiang-based real estate management firm, said it had bought a six-month trust product for 30 million yuan on February 9 but could not get back its principal plus interests of 5.8%.

Prior to this, Xianheng International Science and Technology, also listed in Shanghai, said on August 5 that it had invested in a Zhongrong wealth product for 20 million yuan and could get back only 17.2 million yuan when it matured. The company said unpaid principal and interest amounted to 2.57 million yuan.

An unnamed former employee of Zhongrong was quoted by Cailian Press, a financial website, as saying on August 11 that at least 350 billion yuan of Zhongrong’s wealth products that were sold through Zhongzhi’s sales channels had stopped payouts. He said the figure did not include the products directly sold by Zhongrong.

Cailian Press reported on Monday that some Zhongrong clients had already formed social media groups and had been discussing what they should do to fight for their rights and get back their money.

“My investment advisor pretended to have known nothing about the issue and removed himself from his social media groups,” said a Guangdong-based individual investor who uses the pseudonym “Chen Yan.” 

Chen said she might be unable to get her money back as the products she bought wouldn’t mature for two more years.

Wang Qing, a Zhejiang-based individual investor, said her investment advisor explained to her that in the worst case scenario investors who bought wealth products for more than 10 million yuan can get back 50% of their money while those who bought products for less than 3 million yuan can get back 90% although the repayment period will be much longer.

Wang said she was told that a trust product she bought did not invest in real estate, but mainly in some pre-IPO firms.

According to business data search firm Tianyancha.com, Jingwei Textile Machinery, a central government-owned enterprise, has a 37.47% stake in Zhongrong, following by Zhongzhi (32.99%), state-owned Harbin Investment Group (21.54%) and Shenyang Antaida Commerce and Trade Co Ltd (8.01%).

In an article published on Monday several financial columnists write that Zhongzhi is the second largest shareholder of Zhongrong but it may actually have a controlling stake as Shenyang Antaida seems to be its associate company. 

The National Financial Regulatory Administration (NFRA), China’s financial regulator, has set up a task force to examine risks at Zhongzhi after Zhongrong failed to make wealth product payments, Bloomberg reported on Monday. Established last month, the working group asked Zhongrong to report its plans for future payments and liquidity situations.

A netizen who claimed to be an employee of Hang Tang Wealth, one of Zhongzhi’s wealth units, said earlier this month that Zhongzhi had stopped its wealth product payout as of July 19. He said Zhongzhi has about 150,000 clients, including 5,000 companies, while the total amount of its default products might have reached 230 billion yuan.

Chinese media said Zhongzhi is managing about 3.72 trillion yuan of assets. They said Zhongrong’s clients were notified by their investment advisors on August 8 that Zhongrong had already stopped its wealth product payments. They said the company’s salespeople were still persuading clients to buy wealth products on August 7.

Since 2018, China’s financial regulators have urged trust companies to reduce their investments in the property sector. In 2020, while trust firms on average put 14% of their funds in the property industry, Zhongrong still had 18% of its funds allocated in real estate developers.

Zhongrong’s assets under management (AUM) fell gradually from 765.4 billion yuan at the end of 2019 to 629.3 billion yuan at the end of last year, according to the company’s annual reports.

Read: Regulatory squeeze to kill a third of China’s hedge funds

Follow Jeff Pao on Twitter at @jeffpao3

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Commentary: The heirs and spares of Thailand’s monarchy

King Vajiralongkorn’s only royally titled son – 18-year-old Prince Dipangkorn Rasmijoti – is, according to unofficial reports, autistic and “mentally challenged”. Even if true, this might not impede his ability to perform regal functions when the time comes. However, there could be a role for a trusted, relatively young, family member to help him.

In any event, given the issues facing his two half-sisters, one of the prince’s four half-brothers as a ”spare” may be a wise bet.

HOPE OF A FAMILY RAPPROCHEMENT

For their part, the four estranged sons have long stated their desire to return to Thailand. In 2016, after the death of their grandfather King Bhumibol Adulyadej, they expressed their respect for, and loyalty to, their father as the new king on a now-restricted Facebook page.

The visit’s prominent coverage in the Thai media raises hopes of a family rapprochement. Previously, the press airbrushed the four out of reporting on the king’s family. That said, limits remain. Even now, the Thai press does not mention the other two brothers by name. And it is coy on why they have remained abroad for so long.

More importantly, were the royal connections of the four to be restored, it would give greater certainty to the reigning Chakri dynasty. The 71-year-old monarch has no acknowledged grandchildren. And there are no signs that either of his unmarried daughters will be having any in the foreseeable future, certainly not in the next few years.

Absent his four US-based sons, this puts the onus on 18-year-old Prince Dipangkorn to maintain the family line.

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Commentary: Will changes to national flag rules encourage more Singaporeans to display it?

The flag of United Kingdom for instance, combines the crosses of England and Wales, Scotland, and Ireland under one sovereignty. The flag projects a vision of a unity in spite of historical tensions between the regions.

Similarly, the flag of the former Soviet Union depicts a hammer and sickle to represent the interests of workers and peasants, who were once the constituents in the founding of the communist bloc.

The Singapore national flag comprises a crescent moon and five stars. The former signifies a young country, and the latter represents the ideals of Singapore: Democracy, justice, peace, progress and equality. These are the core values that define Singapore citizenship and our social compact.  

WHAT NATIONAL FLAGS MEAN TO PEOPLE

National flags can evoke honour and patriotism, but they can also foster nationalist sentiment and prejudicial attitudes.

A 2017 study, published in the Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology by me and my international colleagues, asked 2,230 university students across 11 countries what concepts they associate their national flags with.

While US respondents linked the American flag with democracy and freedom, they also ascribed less positive attributes such as global power, hegemony and aggression to it – a result of the US’ overseas military operations where the flag is planted on foreign soil.

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‘Takes time and experience to do well’: Why root canal treatments can cost thousands of dollars

SINGAPORE: When Mr Lee found out how much a root canal treatment would cost him, his first thought was to extract the tooth.

“(When) they told me about the price, I was hesitant because it’s quite pricey,” said the 26-year-old, who only wanted to be known by his surname.

The wedding videographer first visited a neighbourhood dental clinic in Bedok in February after experiencing a “very bad” toothache.

Although the toothache began last year, it wasn’t until he was having a meal one day that the pain became so unbearable that he could not chew his food at all.

“It was so painful (until) I had quite a bad headache,” said Mr Lee. “That’s when I realised (I had) to go and check.”

The dentist he visited suggested two options: He could either extract the tooth or get a root canal treatment. The procedure involves disinfecting and cleaning the root canal space and filling it up to prevent reinfection.

“A lot of people decide to pluck (their teeth) because they know the root canal is going to be really expensive,” Mr Lee told CNA.  

In his case, the dentist told him the tooth “could still be saved”. He advised Mr Lee to go ahead with the root canal as he was still young and the affected tooth was located at the back of the mouth and is important for chewing.

Mr Lee took the advice and got his X-rays done at a neighbourhood clinic. The next day, he had his first root canal treatment at Royal Healthcare Medical Centre, a specialist clinic in Novena.

After another two to three sessions with the specialist, he went back to the neighbourhood clinic to get a dental crown – a cap placed over a tooth to restore its look and function.

The whole process, which took less than six months, cost Mr Lee more than S$2,600 (US$1,960) for both the root canal and the dental crown. 

He is not the only one who has spent thousands on a root canal treatment here in Singapore.

Assistant marketing manager May Ho similarly paid S$2,400 for both procedures when she sought treatment three years ago.

Ms Ho, who is in her early 40s, told CNA that she was first advised to get a dental crown when she was in primary school.

But she did not, as there was no pain and she saw “no reason” to visit the dentist. It was only after many years when she started to feel discomfort that she decided to visit a dentist.

Like Mr Lee, she was recommended a root canal, which she got done at The Oral Care Centre in Novena.

While Ms Ho, who works at the National University of Singapore, did find it “a bit pricey”, she did not get the procedure done elsewhere as she had always gone to that dental clinic for her check-ups.

She was also able to save a few hundred dollars using her company’s health benefits for staff. Mr Lee, on the other hand, paid the full amount.

Dental procedures such as root canal treatments are not covered by MediSave, the national medical savings scheme aimed at helping people set aside part of their income to meet healthcare needs.

The scheme can only be used for surgical dental procedures – which does not include root canal treatments.

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Panurat set to become next drugs czar

The Justice Ministry has appointed assistant national police chief, Pol Lt Gen Panurat Lakboonto, as the new secretary-general of the Office of the Narcotics Control Board (ONCB).

The appointment was confirmed yesterday by Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam yesterday, who said Pol Lt Gen Panurat’s experience in narcotics suppression will further the ONCB’s goals, said a source.

Pol Lt Gen Panurat will replace Wichai Chaimongkol, who retires at the end of September. The source said Pol Lt Gen Panurat is a friend of Capt Thamanat Prompow, the Palang Pracharath Party secretary-general and former deputy agriculture minister.

Panurat: Named as new ONCB chief

The appointment follows recent comments by deputy Pheu Thai leader Phumtham Wechayachai, who said in a Facebook post that the caretaker government led by Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha should refrain from making high-level appointments as part of the annual reshuffle.

The ONCB secretary-general post is considered one such appointment.

“The caretaker government should follow the mannerly tradition of not getting involved in the reshuffle of high-ranking government officials, which could influence the performance of the next government,” he wrote.

Gen Prayut later said the reshuffle is determined by its own timeframe.

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Covid-19 linked to diabetes risk

A doctor from Chulalongkorn University’s Faculty of Medicine said yesterday people infected with Covid-19 are at greater risk of developing diabetes.

Dr Thira Woratanarat from Chulalongkorn University’s Faculty of Medicine was commenting on research published on the medRxiv.org website last Wednesday.

The study sampled 15 million people in the United Kingdom, the doctor said via Facebook.

Those infected with Covid-19 have a 24% greater chance on average of developing Type-2 diabetes than those who have never been exposed to the virus.

Those who had severe symptoms and were admitted to the hospital have a greater risk of later having diabetes, three times higher than those who never had the virus.

For those who had mild symptoms when they had Covid-19, the chances of them developing Type-2 diabetes in later life are now about 10% higher, while those who received the Covid-19 vaccine and later had Covid-19 also have a greater chance of developing Type-2 diabetes.

He suggested people have a Type-2 diabetes check during an annual check-up.

Regarding the Covid-19 situation, as of Aug 12, the Department of Disease Control (DDC) had recorded 31,843 new Covid cases this year. The number of fatalities was 775.

More than 144 million doses of Covid-19 vaccines have been administrated in Thailand since the virus outbreak. Of those vaccinated, 57,233,919 received their first dose, 53,730,348 received their second, and 33,987,074 received their third dose.

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