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When asked what I think of European reconciliation, I typically respond that I believe it is a good idea and that we should pursue it. This is, of course, a prank, as Germany is today united with no formal inside edges.

However, 35&nbsp, years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the division between West and East Germany remains clearly visible, with the victory of the far-right Alternative for Germany ( AfD ) in the state of Thuringia in Sunday’s state parliamentary elections a case in point. These schisms show no sign of fading in the near future, according to a quick look at economic and social records.

Now, compared with the East, West Germany has higher income degrees, lower unemployment rates, more firms, fewer hours worked, more millionaires, higher vehicle equity, higher voter membership, less inclination for serious political parties, higher share of younger citizens, higher proportion of immigrants, higher number of religious affiliations and more spend produced.

Historical significance

The former border between West and East Germany, now known as the Former Federal Republic’s and the New Länder, respectively, is where the differences clearly intersect. After World War II, Germany’s historical division caused two nations with opposing economic and social systems that diverged for more than 40 years.

The reasons behind the current differences are more complicated than just this shocking shock, though. In fact, a trio of authors has demonstrated that the same regional disparities existed prior to the founding of the German Democratic Republic ( GDR). For example, in 1925, the” West” already had a lower share of working-class workers, more self-employment, lower voting shares in extreme parties, higher church attendance and lower female labor participation. Additionally, World War II had a larger destructive impact in the East, and there was a limited migration from the East to the West just before the wall was raised.

Approximation but no lasting convergence

Reunification’s claim that it would lead to long-term convergence was probably overstated.

It is accurate to say that West Germany inherited well-functioning institutions. Additionally, it underwent a better than initially anticipated privatization process and received significant financial transfers from the West to finance social expenditure and investment.

However, after an initial improvement in living standards in the East, economic conditions quickly deteriorated, and the population shrank. Although fiscal transfers may have reduced the divergence between the two regions, they failed to produce sustained convergence.

This is hardly surprising, given that disintegration was a much more significant shock than reunification. After more than four decades of separation, the production infrastructure did not revert to its original spatial arrangement following reunification. Furthermore, the manner in which reunification was conducted likely exacerbated these disparities.

Unanticipated psychological impacts

Convergence is not just about money; it also involves psychology, which is a crucial and challenging task in economic affairs, and some measures that may have seemed justified from a strictly economic perspective have had unexpected effects.

For example, job losses related to the privatization of state-owned enterprises in the East decreased individual trust, reduced political engagement and increased support for radical parties, as Kellermann’s work has shown. These fears of distrust have now become deeply ingrained.

Support for extreme parties is not diminishing, and many of these voters oppose the European project. On September 1, the AfD won the state election in Thuringia, marking its first-ever victory in a state election, and came a close second in Saxony. A recently formed populist left-wing party, BSW, came third in these elections.

Thirty-five years after reunification, there is no clear path back to convergence for the former East German states. On the contrary, we are currently experiencing political and policy paralysis. This has been made worse by significant geoeconomic shocks that have affected Germany in recent years, including the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which boosted inflation, and the Fortress China strategy, which slammed German exports to China.

Political, economic and social fragmentation is back.

European inequalities

Even worse, German reunification occurred in a context of more general divergence between European regions. The German situation is not a singular case within the European Union, which is worrying as it may be.

Around the same time, another unification took place in Europe. The Maastricht Treaty, which went into effect on November&nbsp, 1, 1993, marked the foundation of the European Union ( EU). It paved the way for the development of a common currency, the euro, and a stronger cooperation between member states and the development of European institutions. However, much like German reunification, it did not lead to regional convergence within the European Union, as one might have expected.

Similar divides to those between West and East Germany exist in other European countries, such as the urban-rural divide in France, but also within the European Union, where peripheral regions have struggled, with a few exceptions. These peripheries ‘ paths to a sustainable recovery are unsure.

Instead, as the recent Brexit-related experience shows, several factors make us worry that we are moving in the direction of political and economic disintegration within European countries and Europe.

Better allocation of funds

I would like to suggest two options for further investigation, despite the fact that these issues cannot be resolved quickly. The effectiveness of EU funds is a promising area. Beyond just setting future climate change goals, there is a pressing need to significantly alter the level and use of EU funds, as discussed in my joint article with Jérôme Creel” ThisGenEU.”

We now have much more information about how to use EU funds effectively. Some local governments may be persuaded to reduce public spending in response to these funds, which could undermine their intended effects. Therefore, it is crucial to target funds that foster medium-term growth and to combine them with policies that enable peripheral regions to use them more productively, in order to avoid a” Dutch disease” type of situation.

Dutch disease

This phrase describes a situation where financial inflows cause economic distortions, such as rising wage costs, overheating the real estate market, or excessive concentration of investments in low-productivity sectors, which ultimately result in a country’s economy being negatively impacted over the long run. Politically, it can also lead to an institutional” Dutch disease”, where excessive reliance on external funds weakens incentives to reform local institutions, creating institutional blockages and ineffective governance.

For example, European funds should be supervised by Europeans and not by local authorities. It is crucial to disengage their management and use from local political authorities. In order to balance competition and coordination among various regions, industrial policy should be put in place at the European level. Regional governments could also be given more authority over the supply of public goods to promote healthy regional competition.

More free trade?

Second, the European Union is still far from being fully integrated. There are too many trade restrictions, despite the EU’s commitment to free trade and a single market. Even in terms of trade in goods, the reality is far from a real single European market. Services are a much bigger untapped market. From the current EU version of “free trade,” it is essential to free trade.

For example, reducing regulatory differences, labor market restrictions, infrastructure asymmetries and improving cross-border connections, as well as strengthening capital market integration, would allow EU economies and regions to specialize more in the production of goods and services for which they have a genuine comparative advantage.

This would lead to a more efficient allocation of resources within the EU and a greater convergence of prices across Europe, according to the factor price equalization ( FPE ) theorem found in many economics textbooks. Wages and other sources of income are likely to be a part of the convergence.

Of course, more research and discussion are required to explore these and other options for resolving the current problems of economic divergence. These are existential concerns for both Germany and the EU, particularly in the current state of heightened geopolitical uncertainty.

The answer to the problem of German reunification may not be in Germany, but rather within the European Union. Effective European funding and greater European integration have the potential to bring about economic convergence and strengthen both Germany and the EU’s political and social fabric. We all stand to gain from the fact that Germany’s reunification is still a good idea.

Gonçalo Pina is a visiting associate professor for global economics at the ESCP Business School.

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One of the biggest dangers to cultures is the spread of propaganda. Current examples include conspiracies about Covid-19 treatments and false promises about Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

The conflict between the earth powers, which is also occurring in Africa, is a contributing factor.

Across the globe, many foreign powers, including China, France, Russia, the US and people, are competing to shape public opinion. States typically communicate their ideas through reasonable means. However, there have been numerous new instances in which foreign powers have propagated false or misleading information about current affairs.

For instance, Meta revealed in 2020 that the French army was behind a Russian-Centre online strategy. And in 2022, the US was accused of leading a propaganda campaign targeting Arab-speaking areas.

Russian employees are effective spreaders of misleading information throughout the Sahel, according to evidence. China has also used state-controlled internet to provide its own proper stories on the continent of Africa.

Social actors use proper narratives, some real or false, to advance their goals and values and influence how people perceive worldwide events. They are basically stories that political actors use to shape their perceptions and behaviors. The question then arises: what elements influence the success of corporate stories?

We examined the prevalence of Russian and Chinese corporate stories in a lengthy published research. We even describe their appeal. Our results are based on a study of 4, 600 citizens in four American nations– Angola, Ethiopia, South Africa and Zambia – at the end of 2022.

These four nations have very distinct political scenery, differing degrees of cooperation with China and Russia, and distinct traditional contexts with international influence.

Most people, in our opinion, thought the popular Russian and Chinese proper disinformation stories to be accurate. The main reason they did but was anti-US mood. That is, the more people believed that the US was an army or that they had a negative impact on their nation, the more likely they were to accept that the Chinese and Russian stories were real.

These studies also matter for counter-disinformation methods. Simple disinformation debunking using fact-checking or media education campaigns is unlikely to succeed on its own when tactical narratives make use of deep-seated attitudes, political histories, and alliances.

Soviet propaganda is popular

Our research builds on earlier studies on propaganda and its impact on global South public opinion.

We have recently identified the causes of some people sharing deception, what people from various backgrounds do when they encounter social disinformation, and what can be done to stop the spread of false information.

In our most recent research, we discovered that Western media outlets frequently portrayed Russia as a proponent of autonomy and traditional beliefs while dishonest or imperialist.

Also, Chinese internet – CGTN, China Daily and Xinhua – emphasized China’s position as a companion in Africa’s development while dismissing or denying bad aspects of Chinese influence.

We discovered that Russian tales were more broadly accepted in all nations than Chinese people. We questioned the validity of two remarks that exemplified Russia’s propaganda theory. The comments were:

• The conflict in Ukraine is a consequence of NATO’s expansion in Eastern Europe, and
• The main reason for the latest food and energy crises is Russia’s use of restrictions.

More than 70 % of poll respondents responded to the question, saying they believed the claims to be accurate with certainty.

These claims are not true, but they are frequently used by Moscow to improve its own corporate interests, according to several fact-checking organizations.

Foreign stories were more controversial and revealed the most egregious regional differences. When asked about the speech,” If a war breaks out in Taiwan, it would be the United States ‘ problem”, only 3 in 10 Zambians said that it was real, compared with 6 in 10 Africans.

When we examined this speech,” European causes organized anti-government protests in Hong Kong in 2019,” differences between nations were significantly smaller.

More than 50 % of people in South Africa and Ethiopia found this to be real, which is only true.

Looking at the wider political position in each nation at the time the survey was conducted is one way to view these distinctions.

Russian narratives found significant support in South Africa despite Russia Today (RT ) being blocked on the satellite television service provider DStv in March 2022. This was likely influenced by the country’s participation in the BRICS ( Brazil, Russia, India, China South Africa ) gathering, and the president’s unwillingness to part with the West in condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Russia also draws on “memory politics” by reminding American consumers of its previous support for American independence movements, such as the African National Congress, to raise support for its battle on Ukraine.

South Africa appears to have shifted from its neutrality toward greater assistance for China and Russia.

By opening a commission in Johannesburg, the Russian media intends to capitalize on this mood.

In comparison, Zambia and Angola displayed more weight to international tales. Angola’s traditional ties with Russia, dating back to the Cold War, did not translate into solid support for Russian narratives, probably due to the country’s continued efforts to expand its international partnerships.

Anti-US attitude a major factor

In Ethiopia, a key drivers of the benefits appears to be anti-US attitude. We found that 33 % of Ethiopians believed the US to be an “enemy” ( compared to 4 % in Angola or 8 % in Zambia ), and 65 % thought that US influence in their country was negative ( compared to 17 % in Angola or 22 % in Zambia ).

Anti-US speech has been especially prevalent in African internet and the political landscape in common in recent years, especially after Washington ‘s&nbsp, censure of the conflict in Tigray.

We came to the conclusion that anti-US mood was the most reliable indicator of believing Russian and Chinese proper narratives after considering various possible factors.

In other words, those who perceived the US negatively were much more likely to accept these accounts as accurate.

Additionally, we discovered that those who watched Russian or Chinese advertising did not have an impact on those who supported these stories. This implies that those who regularly watched Chinese and Russian media were not more likely to believe these stories than those who did n’t.

China and Russia have made significant investments in continent-wide distribution of their media content, but both countries ‘ people and their understanding of their messages are unmet.

Complex image

Our research reveals the subtle and intricate ways in which public opinion spreads throughout Africa. Deception does not work in a vacuum. It is influenced by regional social landscapes, historical ties, and economic dependence.

So, counterstrategies should place an emphasis on fostering positive behaviour and strengthening political ties in order to lessen the vulnerability to disinformation narratives.

Herman Wasserman is a professor and chair of Stellenbosch University’s Department of Journalism. Dani Madrid-Morales is a teacher in media and international communication. Nanyang Technological University‘s associate professor of communication and information is Saifuddin Ahmed.

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Sheikh Hasina, the former prime minister of Bangladesh, fled to India in earlier August after being forced to step down by a large revolt. Her departure came after days of unrest that resulted in the deaths of nearly 650 people and numerous more injuries.

Since then, at least 94 legal situations have been lodged against Hasina and her case users, fans and assistants. The claims against them range from murder, rape, enforced disappearance and violence, to crimes against humanity and genocide.

Authorities do have the authority to hold a test in Hasina’s presence. However, this is unlikely to be successful because there will be questions about credited process, justice, and the purpose of the test. At the same time, implementing the judge’s purchases may be difficult if Hasina not been present.

But, there have been requests to surrender her to a test for the acts that took place under her command since the time she fled Bangladesh. However, it’s still a mystery whether India did arrest her if Bangladesh requested her abduction.

Bangladesh can, in theory, demand the transfer of Hasina from India. An abduction treaty was signed between New Delhi and Dhaka in 2013 that was later amended to make things simpler.

Both nations were excited to see a treaty of this nature. Two of the criminals involved in the 1975 death of Hasina’s father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who was also the second leader of Bangladesh, were at the moment hiding in India. Hasina’s state wanted to surrender the gentlemen to Bangladesh for implementation.

Some states, like Canada, refuse to apprehend captives if there is a chance that they will be executed. But, because India still has the death penalty, abduction was granted regardless of whether the prisoners were scheduled to receive execution upon their return. In 2020, the two gentlemen were handed over to Bangladesh.

India, on the other hand, sought the transfer of Anup Chetia, the general director of the banned United Liberation Front of Assam violent business. Chetia, who had spent 18 years in prison in Dhaka, was returned to India in 2015.

Just crimes that are punishable by a minimum of one time in prison can be extradited acts, according to the agreement. The offense had been punished in both places. Hasina can be extradited on these grounds because the charges against her are prosecuted in India, and the punishments she allegedly underwent are even severe.

The treaty’s content 10 makes it even simpler for the requesting state. It states that a court of law arrest warrant may suffice for the repatriation of the offender without providing any specific material evidence against the criminal. That being said, Hasina is not currently on an arrest warrant for her.

Never a simple task

However, the convention itself also contains many provisions that may enable India to fail an attractiveness for Hasina’s repatriation. It may, for instance, decline to transfer her on the grounds that the acts are political in nature.

It is accepted that political or military acts will not be eligible for abduction. This is justified because states must maintain their social unrest while also safeguarding a state’s right to offer political refugees asylum.

The convention does dictate that an effort to commit murder, murder, kidnap, false incarceration or incitement to murder may not be regarded as a social offense. And the majority of the charges brought against Hasina thus much fall under these umbrella terms.

Even so, the agreement guarantees that a ask may still be rejected if Indian courts find that the accusation was made in the interests of justice. If Hasina is suspected of facing political oppression, unfair trials, or cruel therapy upon her return to Bangladesh, judges may reject extradition.

This will not be simple for Bengal to refute. Some of the Hasina’s government officials who have been detained in recent weeks were allegedly physically assaulted by bystanders in court, and apparently did not have the option of having their cases represented by a lawyer.

There are also reports that a number of death circumstances were connected to out of anger and resentment. When it’s unclear whether the real criminals have been charged or no, some individuals, including batsman Shakib Al Hasan and ousted senator Shakib Al Hasan, have been charged as conspirators or abettors.

As a result, there are plenty of problems over Hasina’s surveillance and the justice of any trial should she be returned to Bangladesh.

If Hasina’s health is not guaranteed, then there is a possibility she may be granted political asylum in India or abroad. Asylum may make it pointless to discuss her extradition because those who have refugee status may be extradited did lose their minds. Hasina has previously properly sought political hospital from India following the death of her father.

However, her remain in India has changed over the years. The time authorities in Bangladesh has revoked political documents, including Hasina’s.

She is now apparently trying to request asylum in one of the UK, United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia or Finland. But, her son, Sajeeb Wazed Joy, has told the media that Hasina has not yet sought hospital anywhere and will “certainly get up” to Bangladesh when votes are declared.

The convention itself don’t always appoint an extraditioner. In practice, it basically provides a legal model for mutual assistance. Legitimate claims may be more important than political discussions and the political will of both governments in making the final decision.

Raisul Islam Sourav is PhD Member in lawful analysis, University of Galway

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