A power pump was left in the 170 million-strong nation when Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled in the face of a widespread rebellion next year.
The military quickly established an interim government to guide Bangladesh toward free and fair elections within three weeks after Hasina left the nation.
Amid expectations for legitimate political reform, however, individuals are still watchful. Is the three-month schedule enough to transform a politically troubled Bangladesh into a substantive democracy that wo n’t fall back into autocracy?
Bangladesh at a crucial moment
For the past 15 years, heavy-handed, one-party law in Bangladesh has squeezed opposition parties out of the social structure and deprived members of real democracy.
The moment reached its breaking point when student-led protests against a cruel state work quota turned into a rebellious movement to overthrow Hasina.
Muhammad Yunus, an 84-year-old Nobel prize and businessman, has been appointed head of the transitory state, giving him much-needed legitimacy and financial acumen.
The interim government also includes rights activists, professors, doctors, previous government officials and important members of Bangladesh’s civil society. Promisingly, it includes two 26-year-old pupil officials – Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud. This maneuver elevates adolescent voices to a position of political decision-making.
Previously sidelined parties are getting back in the game, as well, such as the Bangladesh Nationalist Party ( BNP ) and Islamist Jamaat-e-Islami party. The government, however, has little taste for these older players.
And the nation that the time government will inherit is not very steady. Bangladesh’s economy is in a mess because of great inflationary pressures, widespread fraud, and the destruction of democratic institutions.
On the surveillance before, Hasina’s departure has unleashed a wave of violence, with problems on Bangladesh’s Hindu minority people, in addition to looting and burning problems around the country.
With enormous hope of uniting a divided nation, restoring the business, and restoring law and order, Yunus is now shouldering the burden of a nation’s expectations.
Caretaker state: toothed or revolutionary?
The time administration will possibly attempt to elude significant constitutional changes by creating a new or updating the current one.
However, the existence of an interim government, let alone the ability to amend the constitution, is illegal.
The current law no longer allows caregiver institutions, as a result of the 15th constitutional amendment that was passed in 2011. This creates a constitutional paradox, even though the time government’s role in addressing the current issue is commonly seen as essential.
The caretaker government has to make another important determination, which is when to hold elections. The constitution mandates a three-month deadline, but if the interim government rushes into an election, it likely wo n’t begin to resolve any of the underlying issues that led to the protests.
In order to give more time for crucial social changes, constitutional authorities suggested postponing the elections. One of the most important things is restoring the independence of critical organizations, including the election committee.
The government was only acting as a rubber mark under Hasina, the judiciary, the courts, and the advertising were firmly ensnared in power. Some institutions may immediately prosper in a more open setting, but others will endure the marks of the past for many years.
Amtul Chowdhury, a 28-year-old lawyer in District and Session Judges Court in Chittagong, told me the interim government should n’t be bound by the existing law. She thinks it needs to be changed because the caregiver government lacks the legislative authority to pass it.
Instead of rushing to visit an election within 90 days, the priority should be on restoring law and order, removing social biases from the court, and ensuring its freedom to uphold the rule of law. Right then, the judicial system is nasty.
According to Chowdhury, more time is required to make space for new, creative social events to come.
There will never be true reform if our sole options are the outdated political parties we detest.
Looking ahead
Before, there had been a period of political unrest in Bangladesh: autocrats or governments were forced to resign following popular uprisings before being replaced by regimes that inevitably fail to live up to common expectations.
The success of this student-led action was attributed to the independence and involvement of all participants, not a particular political party.
As a scholar rebel, I was informed by a student in Dhaka that
Rebuilding a liberal and sensible system would require extensive support and cooperation from both the interim government and Bangladeshis. Years of irregularities were imposed by previous governments. We need to break the poisonous process that has been around for a long time and learn new, healthier ways of living for the betterment of our nation.
The strong sense of solidarity, wish, and civic conscience that the country’s youth has been embracing does play a significant role in the transition to a substantial democracy.
However, the difficulties facing this creation are tremendous. The time government, and any potential management, must address the growing injustice in society and lack of employment opportunities for young people.
There is a pressing need to make this group more of an asset than a problem because nearly 40 % of the population is under the age of 18. For the authorities to walk away from its previous authoritarian tendencies, it is also necessary to continue investing in the country’s youth. And there’s no question that young people, given the chance, does give back to their country.
As my daughter Arnaz Tariq, a 20-year-old Bangladeshi student at the University of Southern Mississippi in the US, once said to me:
Bangladesh’s interim government needs to realize that it has n’t really listened to its youth since 1971. We are ready to talk our heads, to get heard, and to be part of change-making. We are aware that the desire for a better state is not just a dream because our creation is connected to the world.
We have concepts that are in line with international standards, concepts that may help us turn our nation into a place where young people want to develop their potential rather than seek it elsewhere. The desire is to revolution Bangladesh, never to leave it.
Intifar Chowdhury is Lecturer in Government, Flinders University
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