Who speaks for Syrians now that President Bashar al-Assad’s concept has come to an end after 50 years of brutal royal rule?
Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, which led the opposition improve that toppled Assad under the command of Abu Mohammad al-Golani, is one organization making a significant say to that position.
But what does the organization represent? And who is al-Golani? The Conversation turned to Sara Harmouch, an analyst on Islamist violent parties, for answers.
What is Hayat Tahrir al-Sham?
The Syrian civil war, which started in 2011 as a famous revolt against the Assad regime, is where Hayat Tahrir al-Sham is from.
The organization was founded as an outgrowth of the Nusra Front, Syria’s established al-Qaida online. Hayat Tahrir al-Sham was immediately praised for its fight effectiveness, commitment to international jihadist ideology, and support for tight Islamic rule in the Muslim world.
The Nusra Front officially ended relations with al-Qaida in a 2016 move by adopting the new title Jabhat Fateh al-Sham, which means” Front for the Conquest of the Levant.”
It merged with a number of other Arab parties the next year to be Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, or the” Organization for the Independence of the Levant.”
This marketing aimed to walk away from al-Qaida’s international jihadist plan, which had limited the group’s charm within Syria. It allowed Hayat Tahrir al-Sham to focus on problems specific to Syria, such as local governance, financial troubles and humanitarian assistance.
Despite these changes, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham’s fundamental philosophy is still rooted in jihadism with the main goal being to overthrow the Assad government and establish Muslim law in Syria.
Who is al-Golani? How main is he to the team’s success?
Abu Mohammed al-Golani was born Ahmed al-Sharaa in 1982 in Saudi Arabia.
Al-Golani spent his early centuries in Damascus, Syria, after his family returned from Saudi Arabia in 1989. His ideology career began in Iraq, where he joined soldiers aligned with al-Qaida after the 2003 US-led war.
In 2011, under the path of Iraqi extremist and then-al-Qaida in Iraq head Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, al-Golani was tasked with establishing the Nusra Front in Syria.
Within the Syrian civil war, the party quickly developed into a formidable power.
It was under al-Golani’s command that Hayat Tahrir al-Sham sought to present itself as rational, less focused on global terrorism and more on governance concerns in the region of Idlib, Syria’s largest insurgent enclave.
This change in strategy is a result of al-Golani’s effort to change the perception of his as a jihadist head into a more politically viable determine in Palestinian politics.
Al-Golani’s change toward a more logical approach, especially post-2017, has been crucial in helping Hayat Tahrir al-Sham power territories and proclaim itself as a local governing pressure.
His latest actions, such as adopting a more reasonable image and engaging in conventional public service, reflect al-Golani’s key role in the defense and Hayat Tahrir al-Sham’s political evolution, which both support the organization’s efforts to regain legitimacy both locally and internationally.
How did the organization rise to power in Syria?
Hayat Tahrir al-Sham used a variety of tactics to maintain control over the lands it controlled, including establishing management systems that could provide security and services while promoting their legitimacy in the eye of local populations.
The team’s leaders came to the conclusion that it needed to win over the international community in order to reduce international criticism and properly collaborate with the broader Arab innovative motion. They were trying to expand and get more territory.
Working with different Syrian actors was a part of this effort to create a more appealing entry for international observers and potential allies. To do that directly, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham brought some groups within Syria under its power. Locally and abroad, it reshaped its image through open relationships campaigns, such as engaging in social solutions.
Idlib, which was the last big fortress for various rebel groups since 2017, has been the dominant power there since Hayat Tahrir al-Sham retakes control of Aleppo after government forces retake control of the city in December 2016.
Despite reports of human rights violations, the organization has since strengthened its grip in the area by acting as a quasi-governmental body, providing legal services, and overseeing native matters, such as collecting responsibilities on commercial trucking and controlling highways.
In recent years, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham’s advertising has focused on defending Syria’s individuals from the Assad government. This has improved the organization’s standing among local people and different rebel parties.
In an effort to further shine its picture, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham ramped up its public relations work, both at home and abroad. For instance, it has partnered with global media and charitable organizations to discuss and document aid deliveries to the regions it governs.
By demonstrating this, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham gained some local support, establishing itself as a proponent of Sunni Muslim pursuits.
In addition, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham strengthened its military might by creating professional forces capable of carrying out coordinated and proper attacks. They did so by creating a military academy, restructuring its units, and establishing a more conventional military structure. The latest advancement appears to be evidence that this method has worked.
What does the US consider of the group and al-Golani?
Al-Golani and the Nusra Front have been designated as separate international criminal organizations by the US for a while.
Hayat Tahrir al-Sham was included in the US State Department’s expansion of this title in May 2018. As a result of these classifications, the team and its users face legal restrictions, travel bans, resource freezes and bank restrictions.
Also, the State Department’s Benefits for Justice system is offering up to US$ 10 million for details on al-Golani.
However, it has been reported that the US is considering dropping the$ 10 million bounty on the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham leader, while the UK is considering dropping the organization from its terror list.
What happens if al-Golani emerges as a post-Assad head?
Initially, we should notice that these are very first time, and it remains unclear what Syria will look like post-Assad.
However, based on my years of study of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham and Muslim record, I’m willing to make some educated guesses. Generally, Islamic empires have used different governance frameworks to push their expansion and administration, which may tell Hayat Tahrir al-Sham’s approach to mirroring these powerful strategies.
Second, I believe al-Golani will make an effort to establish a true spiritual management, positioning himself as a leader whose piety and adherence to Islamic principles are in line with the general opinion of the populace.
Hayat Tahrir al-Sham may add more depth by highlighting the significance of Sunni Islam in Syria’s express features and incorporating spiritual legal practices into the country’s rules.
Successful management may be a pillar of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham management, just as it has been established on a localized level. In Idlib, for instance, the group established methods for taxes and society wedding. This is crucial for fostering trust, particularly among recently underrepresented groups.
Also, by allowing some independence for areas within Syria, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham may lessen the risk of unrest, balancing tight Muslim law enforcement with Syria’s cultural and ethnic diversity.
In general, we might anticipate a governance system that aims for a blend of traditional Islamic governance and modern statecraft, attempting to unify and stabilize the diverse and war-torn nation, under the leadership of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham and al-Golani.
However, the group’s contentious status and history of militant activities could present significant difficulties in gaining widespread international support and recognition.
Sara Harmouch is a PhD candidate in public affairs, American University
This article was republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.