Syria has reached a crucial turning point thanks to the fall of the Assad regime after more than 50 years and the rise of the militant group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham ( HTS ).
Serious intellectual and emotional divisions have been eroding within Syrian society as a result of decades ofBa’athist rule. The military patriotism and extremism of Assad’s regime have left the nation with lasting social and political scars, aside from the enormous task of rebuilding the country’s infrastructure. If his descendants really want to create a unified national personality, these issues must be addressed as a matter of necessity.
The 13-year legal war deepened religious separation, especially between the ruling Alawite and bulk Sunni areas. HTS’s Sunni-centric history today presents it with the significant concern of bridging these gaps. Additionally, the group’s traditional ties to intellectual fanaticism and its history as a violent and military movement contribute to a major trust deficit both domestically and internationally.
However the old purchase has been shattered. This was already happening. By the time of Assad’s death, the government’s infantry was severely compromised. Its ability as a military force had been hampered by widespread corruption, religious favoritism, and organisational inefficiency.
The Syrian troops was a spacious organization with hundreds of thousands of personnel spread across different branches before the war started with the famous uprising of 2011. By and large, devotion to the plan was prioritized over expert competence.
The military’s integrity was more eroded by a web of competing interests that were seriously reliant on sectarian and ethnic allegiances and deeply embedded nepotism. It was also generally lost the respect of the majority of Syrians, and was viewed by most as a resource of Assad as an advocate for the people rather than a keeper of the people.
The brutality displayed during the uprising against quiet civilian protesters served to cement this notion in the minds of many people.
More than a decade of fight further eroded the army’s success. Over 75 % of its conflict features have been lost, according to reports, as a result of defections, causalities, and the capture of arms by opposition forces.
The second leader generation’s task will be to recover. Ahmad al-Shara, the head of the HTS, stated that he hopes the Syrian army will switch from a conscription-based selection to a specialist, volunteer force with current technology and advanced training. However, this approach is unclear and contradictory, especially given that al-Shara has yet to come to an agreement with al-Shara regarding the complete peace of armed groups, which is a necessary condition for the formation of a unified federal army.
Difficulties back
The local dynamics, which pose significant problems to the new administration under HTS, add complexity to this. Encouraging armed groups, including groups within the Turkey-backed Palestinian National Army, to fully disarm remains a significant hurdle. Turkey’s involvement in continuing divisiveness in northeastern Syria makes this issue even more problematic.
Turkey’s guidelines in northeastern Syria have long been in line with its political and national protection goals. This is especially true when it comes to thwart Kurdish vehement moves in northeast Syria. This may help Ankara’s tactical objectives, but it runs the risk of undermining Syria’s efforts to secure its independence.
The new routine, whatever shape it takes, has ensure it addresses local objectives. However, it must not compromise the larger goal of creating a Palestinian state that is all-encompassing and consolidated.
It will be crucial to strike a balance between additional support and the need to regain people trust. This will be a significant problem in achieving this harmony. However, it is necessary to create a secure and independent Syria.
Syria’s fresh leadership’s initial statements regarding the military’s reform and its dedication to transitional justice indicate that it intends to rebel against the Assad regime’s harsh methods. However, alarming instances that raise concerns about accountability and the broader repercussions of this change have already overshadowed these statements.
In places such as Latakia and Homs, Arabic-language movies that have surfaced show deeds of terrible punishment. These have included abuse of Alawites. Additionally, there is proof that some of the Assad regime’s vestiges were executed without warning. So far, it seems as though there hasn’t been any evidence of fair trial or proof that the perpetrators may be held accountable.
Subtle change
Conversations with former top government officials by some advertising programs, incuding al-Jazeera, have revealed a mix of cautious optimism and confusion. The peace process was described by the officers as being comparatively simple. However, some appeared to be unsure about their upcoming responsibilities and whether they would be incorporated or completely ignored. This limbo-induced feeling has the ability to destabilize the change.
HTS’s continued efforts to legitimize itself in the eyes of the international community add an additional layer of difficulty. Since taking power, the party has deliberately sought to be delisted as a terrorist organisation. It presents itself as a logical and stable power capable of resolving the power pump in post-Assad Syria.
In its several days in charge, the new government has welcomed a number of Muslim and other foreign representatives. This demonstrates HTS’s determined determination to present itself as a genuine political force poised to guide the upcoming chapter of Syria’s history. Although this discussion has the potential to improve the way al-Shara and Units are perceived internationally, it presents many difficulties and conflicts.
On one hand, the cooperation of global representatives in speech with HTS could be seen as a necessary, if provocative, move toward stabilizing Syria and preventing extended conflict. However, there is a chance that by acting too quickly, al-Shara and HTS may have unchecked authority before addressing important issues about governance, inclusivity, and the group’s philosophical legacy.
A new type of dictatorship, concealed in the language of transformation and stability, is feared because of the absence of concrete guarantees for a change to power-sharing and administrative pluralism.
At Lancaster University, Rahaf Aldoughli lectures on Middle Eastern politics.
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