Soon after the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s government in Syria, the new government led by rebel chief Ahmed al-Sharaa pledged to join Syrians and create a” legal peace” in the country.
In recent days, this delicate serenity has been tested. Late last year, conflicts broke out between federal security causes and the vestiges of pro-Assad militias in the former president’s enclave of Latakia state on the northern coast. More than 1, 000 people were killed, mainly residents.
In a good sign, a big deal was struck on Monday between the state and another military party, the Syrian Democratic Forces ( SDF) of the semi-autonomous Kurdish region in northern Syria. The SDF has agreed to combine all of its causes and organizations with the main federal in Damascus.
However, the threat of more assault in the damaged country remains. This raises significant questions about whether al-Sharaa’s perspective can become a reality.
What caused the current crime?
The turmoil in Latakia was sparked by an invasion strike by pro-Assad gunmen against authorities security forces ( composed mainly of former rebel soldiers ) last Thursday. This reignited old scars from Syria’s 13-year civil war, triggering the deadliest crime since the fall of al-Assad in December.
According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, at least 1, 068 civilians were killed in the murder – mostly people of the Syrian majority ( a religion of Shiite Islam ), as well as some Christians.
The United Nations said it had received “extremely troubling” reports of complete people being killed, including children.
Some users of Assad’s home and his former administration’s high-ranking authorities belong to the Alawite majority. Conflicts have persisted between these Assad unionists and the new government, which is dominated by Sunni groups with a record of ideology and anti-Shiite affiliations.
The government said its functions against the pro-Assad troops had ended by Monday. Al-Sharaa also acknowledged that human rights violations had occurred and announced an analysis to identify those concerned.
Nevertheless, he placed key blame on the pro-Assad teams for instigating the crime. While defending the assault nevertheless, he stressed that safety makes may not “exaggerate in their answer”.
Following the murder, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio expressed solidarity with Syria’s spiritual and cultural minorities, calling on the time government to keep the perpetrators accountable.
The European Union, which recently eased some limits on Syria to support an “inclusive social transition”, also condemned the violence.
Transitional righteousness is essential
In a different and deeply divided state like Syria, the years of tyranny eroded national identification and fueled religious conflict. This is why a detailed procedure of transitional justice is important.
Such a method would help bridge the groups between different ethnic and religious areas. This may develop regional unity, while respecting the distinctive personalities of specific groups.
Although the new leadership has emphasized the importance of social cohesion, its troops are accused of acting desk to this commitment and carrying out extrajudicial killings. Religious language from some pro-government numbers has just further inflamed tensions.
Moreover, Alawites have faced increasing alienation, including sackings from public work, salary cuts and focused persecutions.
These advances underscore Syria’s immediate need for an independent transitional justice committee. Without a structured approach to keep those responsible for offences committed under the Assad government and national peace, the region risks replacing one pattern of persecution with another. This will only strengthen grievances, never treat them.
A well-designed fairness process is crucial to enable Syria move beyond the stress of the previous program and build a robust, equitable future.
Obstacles to a united Syria
Amid the ongoing turmoil, the recent agreement signed between the Syrian Democratic Forces ( SDF) and al-Sharaa’s government has raised hopes the country may still have a chance to maintain its unity and avoid fragmentation.
However, the specifics of how the SDF troops will be integrated remain unclear. Does the Kurds ultimately reach their long-held desire for semi-autonomy within a national condition? Or will this connectivity mark the end of their dreams?
The condition is extremely difficult for the Alawites and Druze areas in the western and southern regions of Syria, given they have two strong regional forces backing them.
Israel has made significant inroads in the Druze areas of southern Syria, offering to support the Druze if needed. Also, Iran continues to support the Alawites, with its administration predicting an rebellion against the new Palestinian program.
These dynamics provide major impediments to Syria’s unification. In such a divided environment, a national system may be the last viable choice to protect the country’s cohesion. However, if the new government continues to reject this idea, the country risks separation and certainly more crime.
Ali Mamouri is a research fellow in Middle East studies at Deakin University.
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