The earthquake that struck Myanmar on March 28 was not just a natural disaster; it has become yet another weapon in the military junta’s brutal campaign to consolidate power.
Instead of facilitating aid and relief for those affected, the country’s ruling military junta has reportedly used the chaos to target resistance-controlled areas, bombing opposition strongholds and blocking humanitarian assistance.
This blatant exploitation of the disaster underscores the regime’s sustained repression over the past three years and the urgent need for a decisive regional response.
At next month’s 46th ASEAN Summit, the bloc faces a defining moment in its handling of the situation in Myanmar. Malaysia, the current chair, has the opportunity to lead a meaningful response, but doubts remain over its ability or willingness to do so.
Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s choice of advisors – Cambodia’s former Prime Minister Hun Sen and Thailand’s ex-leader Thaksin Shinawatra – suggest that democracy and human rights may not be the priority they should be in addressing the crisis.
Since 2021, Myanmar has been embroiled in a bloody civil war, following a decision by the military to cancel election results won resoundingly by Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy and abandon the country’s tentative steps towards democratization.
The junta has faced sustained resistance from ethnic armed groups and newly formed People’s Defense Forces (PDFs), leading to significant territorial losses for the military regime.
However, the recent earthquake has provided an unexpected opportunity to reverse the tide. Instead of facilitating humanitarian aid, the junta has reportedly bombed resistance-held areas under the pretext of maintaining control, exacerbating the already dire humanitarian crisis.
In a familiar pattern, the regime has demonstrated its willingness to manipulate crises to tighten its grip on power. Given that the junta had already delayed elections several times, most recently pushing them to December 2025 or January 2026, this disaster may serve as yet another excuse to further postpone a return to civilian rule.
The international community has been hesitant to take decisive action against the junta’s abuses and relied on ASEAN member countries to lead efforts. However, as a collective, this response has been lackluster at best, and posed fresh questions about the association’s relevance as a regional body tasked with upholding peace and stability.
During Cambodia’s ASEAN chairmanship in 2022, Hun Sen controversially engaged directly with Myanmar’s junta leader Min Aung Hlaing, despite his exclusion from ASEAN summits. This move fractured the bloc’s already fragile unity and signaled to the junta that ASEAN was willing to engage with it despite its continued repression.
Given Cambodia’s history of authoritarian rule and its use of crises – such as the Covid-19 pandemic – to silence opposition, Hun Sen’s inclusion as an advisor suggests that ASEAN is not prioritizing a democratic resolution to the coup-caused crisis.
His decades-long rule was marked by the dismantling of democratic institutions, media censorship and the persecution of opposition figures, raising serious concerns about his influence on ASEAN’s approach to Myanmar.
Many of Cambodia’s key opposition leaders are currently living in exile following political persecution, a situation which mirrors that of Myanmar’s exiled National Unity Government.
Similarly, Thaksin’s controversial political history in Thailand does little to inspire confidence in ASEAN’s commitment to democratic principles. Both figures represent a legacy of strongman politics that stands in stark contrast to the democratic aspirations of Myanmar’s opposition forces.
ASEAN cannot afford to repeat past mistakes. With Myanmar’s crisis deepening, the bloc needs leadership that prioritizes democracy and human rights over political expediency. The selection of Hun Sen and Thaksin as advisors risks signaling to the junta that ASEAN remains divided and unwilling to take a firm stance.
ASEAN’s response to the Myanmar crisis has been defined by its stillborn Five-Point Consensus policy, which the junta has repeatedly ignored. The consensus, which calls for an end to violence, dialogue among all parties, and humanitarian assistance, has failed to yield tangible results, largely because ASEAN has not enforced it with meaningful consequences.
Malaysia, as ASEAN’s current chair, has a critical opportunity to rectify this failure and implement the five point consensus, imposing sanctions on the junta should it continue to ignore it.
This should include rejecting the junta’s manipulation of aid and ensuring that humanitarian assistance reaches all affected areas in Myanmar, including those controlled by resistance groups. This may require bypassing the junta and working directly with local organizations or international NGOs.
Malaysia, as current ASEAN chair, has the opportunity to reassert the association’s relevance by prioritizing democratic values over political expediency. This means ensuring that its advisors reflect principles of good governance and human rights rather than strongman tactics.
If ASEAN continues to align itself with figures who have undermined democracy in their own countries, it risks not only its credibility but also the security and stability of the region.
Allowing Myanmar’s junta to exploit crises unchecked sets a dangerous precedent for the region, potentially encouraging authoritarian tendencies among other member states. ASEAN’s response to the current situation is thus a litmus test of its relevance and influence.
The people of Myanmar have endured immense suffering and deserve decisive action that prioritizes their aspirations for democracy and freedom. ASEAN must rise to this occasion, not only for Myanmar but for the integrity and future of the entire Southeast Asian region.
Samady Ou is a Cambodian youth activist, Human Rights Foundation Freedom Fellow, and youth ambassador for the Khmer Movement for Democracy.