For many living in liberal democracies, the concepts of censorship and chilling effects may seem distant or abstract. Often, these ideas evoke images of authoritarian regimes such as China and North Korea, where the suppression of free speech and the silencing of dissent are pervasive realities.
But not all democracies are immune. As a South Korean journalist, I find it deeply troubling to witness the ongoing erosion of press freedom in my country under President Yoon Suk Yeol. Once a beacon of open and free society, South Korea now confronts increasing threats to fundamental liberties.
Perhaps the most infamous case of media repression under Yoon involves South Korea’s major public broadcaster MBC. In September 2022, the network reported that Yoon had insulted the US Congress, applying to the American lawmakers a Korean term that can be translated as “idiots” or “bastards” during a hot-mic sideline conversation at the UN General Assembly.
Although the report was based on verbatim footage and audio from the event, Yoon firmly denied it. The repercussions for MBC were severe: its reporters were barred from accessing the presidential plane and the broadcaster faced significant financial penalties.
The Yoon government’s assault on press freedom takes many forms, from defunding public broadcasting to labeling sensitive coverage as “fake news.” But at its core is a strategy of judicial intimidation aimed at journalists and media outlets, often facilitated by prosecutors with ties to Yoon’s background as a former prosecutor.
The administration has skillfully weaponized the country’s murky libel laws to silence those critical of Yoon, his allies and his family.
Heavy-handed investigations have targeted independent media outlets New Tamsa and the Newstapa, reaching even individual journalists. New Tamsa reported questions about the appropriateness of Yoon’s and then-Minister of Justice Han Dong-hoon’s participation in late-night drinking sessions with a major South Korean law firm. Reporter Kang Jin-gu from New Tamsa conducted follow-up interviews with those involved.
Prosecutors twice sought arrest warrants for Kang. Fortunately, these attempts were dismissed, but Kang was ultimately indicted in September of this year for defaming Yoon.
Meanwhile, raids against Newstapa were widely perceived as retaliatory actions following its reporting questioning Yoon’s alleged involvement in real estate dealings. A key source for that report was Shin Hyak-rim, a former National Union of Media Workers chairman, who provided a recording as evidence. In June, Shin was preemptively detained on charges of defamation targeting Yoon.
According to the Voice of America, in the first 18 months of his administration, Yoon and his political allies initiated at least 11 defamation lawsuits against media outlets. “That outpaces defamation-related complaints linked to previous South Korean governments,” VOA said.
The Journalists Association of Korea reported that as of January 2024 eight media organizations were facing criminal defamation charges due to their critical coverage of the Yoon administration. Notably, in seven out of nine cases, individual journalists have been the ones targeted.
In many ways, the president’s choking grip on the Fourth Estate was long anticipated. I speak from firsthand experience, having been a direct target of what it’s fair to call Yoon Seok Yeol’s crackdown on the press during his prosecutorial years.
In May 2018, I became the first journalist in South Korea to be detained without a formal trial on account of news coverage. The prosecutor who led the indictment against me was none other than Yoon, who then served as the prosecutor general. The alleged crime? Writing a defamatory article about South Korea’s leading broadcaster, JTBC, in which I criticized its scoop as misleading.
But this lawsuit was more than a mere dispute between two media outlets. My assertion against JTBC was grounded in Yoon’s problematic handling of crucial evidence during his investigation into former President Park Geun-hye.
The trial court subsequently sentenced me to two years in prison, of which I served one before being released on bail in 2019. Three other journalists from my company were also indicted. Even after my release, the prosecution imposed strict bail conditions that severely curtailed my freedom, including placing me on a travel ban.
As if that weren’t enough, they requested that the court evoke my bail due to my participation in a rally criticizing Yoon’s past misconduct. We are still fighting our appeal six years into the case.
Recently, my travel restrictions were unexpectedly lifted. The exact reasons remain unclear. Fully aware that staying in South Korea under this administration would lead to my detention again, my wife and I decided to depart for the US in early October to seek political asylum. I am currently in the US, evaluating the best options for myself and my family as we navigate this uncertain and challenging situation.
Over the past two years, numerous journalism organizations have raised grave concerns about the Yoon regime’s repressive stance toward the press. These warnings, however, appear to have left the president unmoved.
It’s no surprise that the annual World Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders ranked South Korea at 62nd place, a significant drop from 47th the previous year. We are now categorized as one of the “problematic countries.”
Since taking office, Yoon has championed freedom, the rule of law and human rights as the nation’s core values. In particular, the rhetoric of freedom has been a staple of his speeches. But true freedom is grounded in respect for freedom of expression and freedom of the press, which the Yoon administration is undermining.
Without these rights, democracy cannot flourish and will die in darkness.
Byun Hee-jae is a South Korean political commentator and investigative journalist.