The celebration of the October 7 attacks, when Hamas assailants murdered roughly 1,200 Israelis and foreign citizens and kidnapped another 251, has received a lot of media attention recently.
Coverage has also centered on Israel’s expanding surface activity in Lebanon, which follows an intense bombing strategy of the country’s north, west and capital, Beirut.
But nevertheless, the Israeli government has been continuing its operations in Gaza, where the dying burden has risen to 42, 000, according to the Hamas-run health department. In Jabalia, which reportedly had been brought under the strict control of the Israel Defense Forces ( IDF), has yet another instance of renewed Hamas paramilitary activity.
The Israeli suffering has been huge and sustained, and Hamas has been seriously damaged. In fact, the conflict in Gaza has turned into a bloody standoff, with neither side having the best chance of winning or losing.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, though, is determined to press on in Gaza while extending the battle to Lebanon.
The level of criticism that Netanyahu is facing in Israel over the hostages ‘ fate has been his main issue. A general strike in support of a prisoner package in early September and the size of some of the subsequent demonstrations against his government served as examples.
But, that has changed with the start of Israel’s military activities in Lebanon, which has given Netanyahu breathing room. At the end of September, polling , indicated , that Netanyahu’s right-wing Conservative party would then get more votes than any other if a public vote were held.
This acceptance may continue for the time being, based in part on what the Army does future. But the longer-term course of the war is possibly dependent on the far-right parts of Netanyahu’s governing alliance, and particularly the increase of messianic Judaism.
Messianic Judaism is best understood as a fusion of ultra-orthodox Judaism and spiritual patriotism. The motion, which has grown in Israel in recent years, seeks a true Jewish state. This includes the restoration of the Temple of Solomon on the site of Islam’s third-most divine page, the Al-Aqsa Mosque, in the Old City of Jerusalem.
In the defense, it has also gained more and more significance. This is partly due to the fact that many men have attended religious military training, and that a large proportion of recent military recruits have come from religious families.
Indeed, some of the most active Israeli military units in the Gaza war are drawn specifically from such cohorts, an example being the Netzah Yehuda ( Judah Forever ) battalion.
An element of Israeli politics that is underappreciated in democratic study is Messianic Judaism. Despite offering support to Netanyahu’s state on its own words, it takes a particularly tough line in terms of what is appropriate in ending the war.
A condition built out of fight
In three different periods, the Jewish condition has moved greatly to the right. The second came after the 1973 Yom Kippur War. The next occurred in the 1990s as a result of the arrival of hundreds of thousands of newcomers from the former Soviet Union. And the third was a response to the first intifada ( or uprising ) in the early 2000s.
The most recent shift to the right was demonstrated by a rise in assistance for both smaller events that were firmly Zionist and fiercely opposed to any Israeli influence on Israeli politics.
From 2010 onward, it appeared to be a more robust time. There was a standoff in Lebanon, and the IDF kept a strict command over Gaza and the occupied West Bank. Israel’s army stayed primarily south of the border despite the fact that Hezbollah’s rocket attacks into northern Israel were uncommon.
However, the hostages ‘ deaths and their record on October 7 were a traumatic and heartbreaking surprise. Hamas would be the president’s main focus, it was obvious right away, and the government would be there.
A year later and that prospect seems diminished. However, if there ever is a more peaceful cooperation between Israel and Palestine, then the conservative Israeli position must be acknowledged, especially given their significant contribution to the current Netanyahu state.
To put it bluntly, in their perspective, something has to be done about the Palestinians. The Economist newspapers reported on August 29 that the hardliners “want to conquer the West Bank, destroy the Palestinian Authority, completely reoccupy and relocate Gaza, and drive Palestinians abroad.”
They even want Israel to walk away from atheism. In accordance with the same post, Netanyahu’s abandoned attempt to stifle judicial authority in the first few months of this government was only the first step in this direction.
His government’s target, the post argues, is to destroy the liberal “deep condition” and seize control of the army, security agencies and courts. Their issue is that such a goal, if ever a chance, is incredibly constrained by the near-globalization of Israel as a rogue position.
What is already evident, though, is that Zionist society is becoming more aggressive. This is probably aided by large new migration, including a “brain dump” from the liberal wealthy.
For now, the Netanyahu state may seem safe. Social security is, however, difficult to win and all too quickly lost, especially in a time when war is starting to build.
Paul Rogers is professor of harmony research, University of Bradford
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