Chinese Geopolitical Thinking- The Belt and Road Initiative from a Chinese Perspective, written by Dr. Levente Horváth, director of the Eurasia Centre at Budapest’s John von Neumann University, offers an unconventional ( and nuanced ) interpretation of China ‘ foreign policy, including its much-discussed Belt &, Road Institute ( BRI ).
Horváth makes a compelling case that christian Marxism, an philosophy that is unparalleled in Chinese history, dates merely to 1949 and is currently raging on fumes, is less responsible for the development of modern China than is its history and pedagogy, which spans 5,000 years.  ,
He constantly criticizes the West for its growing Sinophobia as a result, which he claims is tinged with anxiety over the idea of having to play second fiddle to an emerging power that is seen as unbeatable.  ,
He explains that Beijing’s foreign policy is more about balance through monetary trade and business relationships than it is about battle, conquest, and subjection, reflecting its ancient knowledge and fellowship.  ,
Horváth’s argument should be well received by many of the China influencers who work in our think tank, universities, and newsrooms, as well as throughout Eurasia and the so-called Global South.  ,
The author, a competent Mandarin speaker with broad in-country experience, questions the propensity of Western academics to interpret Beijing’s tactical engagement with the outside world as one-dimensional and linear analytical framework, which all too frequently fails to recognize the influence that the history and antiquated scholarship of China have had on the foreign policy of the nation.  ,
To be sure, their assessments frequently fall short of revealing the complex desires that motivate China’s international relations. In Hungary, the author says that many China experts lack any knowledge of the Chinese language and view Beijing’s geopolitical aspirations through the lens of hostile American and Western European research and articles. The author does n’t hesitate to use derogatory language when describing his academic colleagues.
He continues,” In my book, I try to make up for the aforementioned professional shortcomings by drawing on my familiarity with [ Mandarin ] language, culture, and ways of thinking,” which he gained by living in situ for twelve years.
Less Mao, More Nirvana
Horváth explains how China’s foreign policy is influenced by its ancient beliefs and the idea that evidently opposing forces in nature are, in fact, mixed and interdependent.  ,
” Be good at keeping a low profile, never claim leadership. Observe serenely, secure our position, handle matters with calm, hide our abilities and bide our time.” ‘ ,
According to the ancient Chinese mystic,” Andnbsp, tianshi dili renhe,” when the time is right and all the circumstances are right, it is time to rise up and start the battle in the heart of Tao in order to recover the world’s order.
Horváth frequently cites passages from Chinese classical texts like the” Tao Te Ching” that state,” Those who lead people by following the Tao, do n’t use weapons to enforce their will.” Using power always results in invisible problems. He thinks that this mindset permeates Chinese foreign policy.  ,
The book makes the case that China’s” strategists and sages” ( Sun Tzu, Guan Zhong, Confucius, Lao, Meng, etc. ) had this kind of thinking. is ingrained in the Chinese thoughts at all social levels. Additionally, Horváth challenges American assertions that the BRI is” a pre-planned system of the Chinese Communist Party.”
Horváth may disagree with Gordon G Chang’s study in” How China Is Chinese- Forming the World” that what could be the most harmful combination of beliefs today? Chang is a well-known China hand and cable news fixture. China’s regional aggression and Chinese tianxia ,” ( all ) under heaven” Horváth rejects the idea that China is attempting to occupy provinces outside of its borders through coercion, as the colonial forces of the 19th century did.  ,
That does not imply that he thinks peace-loving humanitarians make up the Chinese creation. Instead, he contends that China’s ultimate goal should be financial dominance rather than military conflict and enslavement of political power.  ,
Henry Kissinger after wrote,”… other nations had to identify the king’s sovereignty, but China did not make any regional claims, nor did its ships travel the world for colonial purposes,” according to Horváth.
China maintains a mere 200 or more troops abroad, demonstrating its enduring indifference to imperial activities despite the fact that its economy has expanded exponentially over the past 20 times.
According to the artist, China under President Xi Jinping is not the Galactic Empire from Star Wars, the Mongol throng, or the reincarnatedUSSR. To destroy the US market and impose its fire-breathing, harsh interests on the rest of the world, it is not itching to offer its nearly$ 900 billion worth of US Treasury bills in one fell swoop.  ,
Horváth uses a metaphor to compare China’s strategy to that of the West:” While game is the most common corporate game in the Western world, weiqi  is more popular in China. In chess, the goal is to eliminate the opponent with a checkmate; however, in order to surround the various player, territory must be gained rather than destroyed.
Therefore, according to Horváth,” With the Belt &, Road Initiative, the Chinese state has never developed a unilateral or unidirectional policy [at the cost of others] but rather an open platform where participating says can negotiate and explore, as equals, [paths to ] the future growth of countries, provinces, and the world.”
Budapest welcomes this knowledge of Chinese motives, but Brussels, London, and Washington detest it. In addition,  ,
According to Horváth, while European powers frequently seek hegemony through regional conquest and one-sided financial arrangements, Chinese geopolitical thinking is Sino-centric, fixated on border protection, relaxing interaction with neighbors, and win-win outcomes. In addition to  ,
We are currently at the greatest turning place in Chinese record since its integration in the Third Century BC, according to David Goldman, a longtime China spectator and Business Editor at Asia Times. Horváth would concur in this regard. China is expanding, but it does n’t want to rule you. It wants to adapt you, just like the Borg in Star Trek.
Getting China Best
According to Horváth,” the Atlantic Time is coming to an end, and China is playing a more significant part in the period of Eurasia.” Sinologists need to change their perspectives on how to handle ties with Beijing if his point of view is accurate.  ,
Horváth’s opinions on the risk that many people think China offers are very different from Chang. Is it now in the West’s attention for China to succeed or fail? Chang ponders in a new article in , Newsweek, and ndbhp. We are powerless to stop it; we may crash. The West may come to an end if Communist China is successful.
The viewpoint reveals a significant shift in the Western commentariat’s thinking: China is posing an immediate threat to the West because its values are at odds with our own, so instead of figuring out how to promote the world with them, we should do them in. That may be correct or incorrect, but Horváth has a different perspective. He thinks it’s possible to accommodate.
The Belt &, Road Initiative’s primary objective is to “get countries to collaborate” in areas of common attention, which will in the future [bring about ] a kind of new world order, while Chang may be overly belligerent in his views on China. Horváth may also be exceedingly dewy-eyed. All nations are similar, there are no nations who set the rules, but rather a system that is jointly designed, based on [the principles of ] justice and peace,” according to China’s language as this operation develops.
The idea that China would be happy with a” simultaneously designed” program “based on equality” is almost futuristic. We are unsure of how the new global system may develop because it has not yet been implemented. However, Beijing’s indifferent demeanor is difficult to take really, and it is unclear what China means by “equality.”  ,
China has demonstrated its ability to be both brutal and implacable in preserving its position in the world and maintaining national unity. The artist frequently minimizes this. Horváth hardly makes any mention of how China treats minorities or the effects of its expansion of online facilities on geo-economics. In addition,  ,
Horváth notes this giving factoid after saying all of this:” More than 130 places are participating in the BRI because they see the potential for financial development.” The majority of people seem to bet that the BRI will succeed and be advantageous to both parties, or else they would n’t be cooperating with Beijing.  ,
According to the author of  ,” In Beijing’s view,” China is entitled to have a far greater say in determining the global order than it does at the moment given its economic accomplishments and global financial obligations. That is the purpose of the BRI Initiative’s launch. From the First Opium War of 1839 to the Communist takeover of power in 1949, Beijing appears determined to end the” Century of Humiliation” during which the West ruled China. In addition,  ,
Horváth does not think that China’s interaction with the rest of the world will end freedom of navigation as it develops its army of violet waters in terms of maritime transportation and trade. Additionally, he sees advantages for Eurasia in enhancing inter-continental inclusion. He is not a follower of Mackinder’s” Heartland Theory,” which he disapproves of that, in his opinion, it obstructs trade and international economic development.  ,
Bill bait mythology
Horváth also refutes the American perception of “debt trap diplomacy,” which he views as a “geo-economic tool of the West …designed to discredit the BRI” rather than an attempt to expose underdeveloped nations to China’s geopolitical passions, as many Western critics claim. In addition,  ,
Horváth’s analysis is supported by two recent studies on debt trap diplomacy that are worth reading:  , The Debt Trap is a Myth, ( The Atlantic ), and&&ndbhspe, Debunking the Mystery of’ Debt Trapo Diploma Cry, and /b/p. ( Chatham House ).
Because of China’s complexity, generalization or a misinterpretation of its foreign policy objectives you have negative effects. Horváth’s book is not the best thing for American experts, policymakers, and diplomats trying to make China right.  , If nothing else, it might be able to assist them avoid shady stories that might have unfavorable consequences. In addition,  ,
Horváth’s research is of high quality, but the language is not. There are some unpleasant word choices and misused phrases that undermine the argument he makes. However, it would be unfortunate if these infelicities prevented the text from being read by the right people, particularly American politicians. In addition,  ,