Battlefield, diplomatic challenges assail Zelensky

The country’s commander-in-chief, General Valery Zaluzhny, acknowledged in a recent interview with The Economist that the position on the front is dark and that no discovery is immediate more than 20 weeks into the conflict in Ukraine and five months after the country has launched its most recent battle.

Continued Russian air strikes across Ukraine as far as the northern city of Lviv do not augur well for the upcoming spring as concerns about the sustainability of American aid to Ukraine grow amid a shift in focus to the war in the Middle East.

Therefore, it should come as no surprise that new initiatives appear to be being made to force Ukraine toward talks with Russia. For the time being, this is unlikely to result in exact negotiations between Moscow and Kyiv, but calling to end the war at the bargaining tables will not go away. Kiev and its European allies both require a more precise understanding of the outcome.

Volodymyr Zelensky currently has no opportunities to engage in discussions with Russia on a domestic level. The Russian leader did keep an eye on public opinion surveys in Ukraine because it appears that he is thinking about holding elections in the spring.

The vast majority of Ukrainians, according to a study released in October, are opposed to making any territorial concessions to Russia, even if doing so would result in an additional and more expensive battle.

All facets of the people share this trait. Even among Russian speakers, 65 %, as well as those who lived near the front lines in the east( 73 % and south 74 % of the country ), said they rejected a deal that would have traded Ukrainian territory for peace.

Zelensky’s presidential challengers, including his former advisor Oleksiy Arestovich, currently have little chance of improving their chances of defeating the current leader in elections if they push for conversations.

But in the upcoming weeks, this could alter. Second, the Ukrainians’ support for Zelensky’s decision to make no agreements to Russia is based on maintaining the status quo, which is far from certain. Over the past several decades, the Russian battle hasn’t made many advancements.

In the meantime, the Belarusian assault on Avdiivka in eastern Ukraine has advanced steadily. Despite the high individual value of the procedure, Russian troops are likely to take the city, just as they did with Bakhmut and Soledar in the past.

Politically speaking, the presence of China from Zelensky’s 10-point peace plan at the recent meeting in Malta is a serious setback for efforts to hold an international peace conference under Ukrainian conditions. It’s noteworthy that China took part in a comparable event in Jeddah since late as August.

Concerns about foreign aid

Next, continuing northern war, economic, and political support is crucial for maintaining the status quo. Particularly in the US, this cannot be taken for granted.

The then-Democratic House of Representatives passed a$ 40 billion support bill in May 2022 with 368 votes to just 57 against. A$ 300 million bill was also approved in September of this year, but there were more than twice as many No votes( 117 ).

Then, a expenses excluding support for Ukraine has been passed by the Republican-majority House. This bill is unlikely to pass in the Democrat-led Senate and will likely be vetoed by President Joe Biden.

Given that the final$ 425 million of the$ 18 billion Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative has been committed, the US-US aid standoff is especially troubling. Aid to Ukraine will be a political sport to be played between the House, Senate, and White House given the divisive nature of US government. This is probably going to get worse, no better, as the US enters an election time.

The condition is only marginally better in Europe. In a game call with two Russian performers, Italian Prime Minister Georgia Meloni admitted to popular” Russian weakness” while feigning to be speaking with African Union leaders.

Hungary and Slovakia both opposed more support for Ukraine as European Union leaders discussed their upcoming four-year resources in Brussels at the end of October. Ursula von der Leyen, chairman of the EU Commission, has continued to support Ukraine in the interim.

This includes a proposal for the start of accession talks on the nation’s membership in the EU, which is likely to be approved by EU officials at an EU summit in December, content to the commission giving it favorable review.

The EU’s€ 5 billion( US$ 5.35 billion ) military aid package pales in comparison to US help up until now, despite the fact that it may give Zelensky political support by starting accession talks and keeping Ukraine financially viable.

Questionable results

A second problem serves as an example of the stress on Zelensky. Zaluzhny was reprimanded by one of his representatives for his remarks in The Economist, and he may have quickly denied being under pressure to consider discussions with Russia. However, he has yet to show that his political and military approach will fully achieve their goal of reestablishing Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial unity.

The degree of Western help over the ensuing months may have a significant impact on how long this window of opportunity may be open for Zelensky. After 20 times of war, European nations may be discouraged, but they must maintain — and possibly even enhance— their support for Ukraine.

This is no longer just a standoff on the ground; it is the good alternative. The very real chance of a Russian beat on the battle and later humiliation at the bargaining table arises when support is withheld.

Tetyana Malyarenko teaches international relations and holds the Jean Monnet professorship in Western security at the National University Odessa Law Academy. Stefan Wolff is a teacher of global protection from the University of Birmingham.

Under a Creative Commons license, this essay has been republished from The Conversation. Read the original publication.