Refugees have become hostages in Indonesia

Hostage is a phrase that should be mouthed along with consideration. It keeps connotations of tyranny and victimhood, particularly in the context of refugees and their experiences fleeing their countries as a result of politics, religion or ethnicity.

But even if refugees receive assist after they are forced away from their homes, the word can still be applied. You will find refugees who obtain so-called humanitarian help that has a detrimental effect on their wellbeing.

Refugees in this particular situation, including a lot of who have sought shelter in Indonesia, found themselves in conditions similar to being kept hostage.

There are around thirteen, 200 refugees from 48 countries living in Indonesia, according to a current report by the Un High Commissioner pertaining to Refugees (UNHCR). Several have made arduous travels across countries plus over continents to seek refuge in Indonesia. The majority have been away from their homelands and families for almost a decade.

Mainly because Indonesia is not a signatory to the 51 United Nations convention associated with refugee status, neither its 1967 protocols, the country is legitimately exempt from delivering necessary protections like work, education, journey, marriage and house ownership. Refugees can not even buy cell phone SIM cards within their own names. Philippines also does not have a national policy pertaining to handling refugees.

That has put refugees in a difficult situation. Those who are refused access to work opportunities depend solely on external aid to survive. Another of refugees live on support from members of the family outside the country. Two-thirds are supported through the International Organization designed for Migration (IOM), which receives 80% % of its funding through Australia.

Asylum seekers willing to obtain IOM support were required to endure the rigorous detention to have an indefinite time. For a long time, refugees were locked inside overcrowded cellular material, separated from the outside planet by walls and barbed wire without correct medical care and adequate food.

Afghan refugees gather together at a refugee camping in Bekasi, Western Java Photo: Bay Ismoyo/AFP

Indonesian President Joko Widodo released a decree on treatment of political refugees and asylum seekers in December 2016, which launched refugees from detention. By the end of 2018 almost all refugees had been released to open lodging shelters, also known as ‘open prisons. ’ In spite of living among Indonesians, refugees have become ostracised from many of the rights associated with normal living.

In the absence of Indonesian authorities support, UNHCR plus IOM provide sustenance support. The companies also help find permanent solutions, such as resettlement to third countries or non-reflex repatriation.

More than 75% percent of refugees within Indonesia are through Afghanistan, Somalia and Iraq, countries with long histories associated with conflict. This takes voluntary repatriation off the table. While local integration to Indonesian communities has not been achievable, resettlement remains the only real permanent protection.

The resettlement window available for refugees in Indonesia is certainly narrow. Each year lower than 5% of asylum seekers depart to 3rd countries, a rate that would require 30 years in order to resettle all refugees in Indonesia. This delayed pace has caused serious defense issues and intensified mental health issues.

Refugees who else escaped death in their countries have considering that chosen death as a means out of their debilitating situations. There have been 16 suicides among asylum seekers in Indonesia beginning in 2014, including deaths by hanging or self-immolation. At the time, the first suicide seemed unjustifiable and could reasonably be tied to personal causes.

The second suicide occurred in late 2017, with the 3rd in early 2018. Throughout 2018 three a lot more suicides completed the darkest year to get refugees. Since then, an additional three to four suicides yearly have highlighted the particular debilitating situation intended for refugees in Philippines.

The last person who hanged himself was 40 years aged, the father of five young children. Another who attempted to cut his throat before becoming rescued by other refugees was 60.

There is no official record associated with deaths caused by a lack of proper medical services, but the number is certainly high. Abdullah Tawasuli, a middle-aged Afghan refugee, died from an undisclosed disease after failing to receive treatment.  

Refugees within Indonesia also have turn out to be despondent as a result of chronic concern over their loved ones in the conflict zones of their home nations. Most of the male political refugees, accounting for 75% of the total, have left behind wives, kids, parents and siblings. The sense associated with helplessness and doubt regarding their families continues to be the biggest trigger of the distress.  

Afghans be the reason for around 99% of refugee suicides in Indonesia. Approximately 90% of those are in the Hazara ethnic and religious minority. This group has been the prime target for massacres and systematic elegance by Afghanistan’s governments since the 1880s, such as the current regime, the particular Taliban.  

Amnesty International reported two massacres of Hazara individuals took place after the Taliban assumed control of Malistan and Dykundy. Latest bomb blasts targeted schools and mosques used by the Hazara residing around Kabul and Mazar Sharif. These acts are only a partial picture of the violence suffered by the Hazara below Taliban rule.    


A group of Afghan refugees gather outside the Indonesian government offices. Photograph: Wahyudi/AFP

Indonesia’s placement as a refugee web host nation also has already been impacted by its relations with other Asia-Pacific nations including Australia.  

Australia’s anti-migration policy has already established a debilitating impact on the state of refugees in Indonesia, even though with a deceptively positive start. When Quotes began combating individual smuggling under the 2013 Operation Sovereign Borders mission, the federal government used the slogan, “Saving lives at sea, ” an ostensibly humanitarian effort to prevent refugees from getting swallowed by the sea.

Sydney also increased financing to IOM plus UNHCR, while upping its humanitarian intake from Indonesia through 180 cases this year to 605 in 2013. However , Australia dropped its humanitarian education intake to 241 cases in 2016, 62 submissions in 2020 and absolutely no in 2021. Sydney also cut financing for newcomers which arrived in Indonesia from August 2018.

Refugees have found themselves in a limbo approaching the level of humanitarian catastrophe. In response, they have taken their discomfort to the street.  

Since the Taliban resumed energy in August, a large number of Afghan refugees throughout Indonesia have marched each week to call for an end to a decade of limbo plus assistance for their families. In 10 months since the start of peaceful demonstrations by Afghan refugees, there has been no tangible reaction.  

The word hostage might seem extreme, but is not far from reality. More than ever, political refugees in Indonesia need urgent protection because gradual death becomes a tragically normal component of their lives.


Hussain Shah Rezaie is a writer, editor and refugee rights advocate. He is originally from Afghanistan and has lived as an asylum in Tanjung Pinang, Indonesia, for the past eight years.