The great trial
The People’s Party ( PP ) winning the Lamphun provincial administrative organisation ( PAO ) presidency election on Feb 2 comes with a raft of tough challenges, according to critics.
Following a string of loses in earlier elections in different provinces where the incumbents had resigned to prevent early elections, the main opposition party had a long time to win the party’s primary PAO main position.
Despite mobilising its resources, best ability and popular numbers for battle rallies, the gathering was just served up with terrible losses.
Because the entire state is a second district, academics and political researchers have pointed out that local election voting patterns are different from those in general elections. Meanwhile, provinces are divided into many districts in general votes, depending on the size of the provincial people.
Critics, however, say the PP had both downsides and benefits in the PAO events.
Particularly in provinces where it performed admirably in the general election, the party should have had a simple way to awaken its followers. PP citizens who remained committed to the group may have come out in force and won a resounding defeat assuming its aid bases in different districts in a given state remained unchanged.
This was not the situation in the Feb 2 PAO surveys, as well as the earlier tribes, except in Lamphun, where PP was given a big break.
Out of 17 provinces in which it fielded candidates, the PP won a second PAO main ballot on February 2. The provincial ministers and PAO presidents were likewise elected with the highest turnout of 73 % in the small northern county that borders Chiang Mai.
PP directors and its honest cheered up as a result of Lamphun’s success. Since Lamphun is its primary regional administration experiment, a great plan has been born to make it into a advancement model.
According to a supply with knowledge, Lamphun may be the PP’s only chance to demonstrate its value before the upcoming general election in less than two years.
Neither the PP nor its president, the Move Forward Party, has had total control over a public administration.
In reality, the PP, led by Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut, has lost no moment in devising the so-called” Lamphun type” to be implemented as far as changing public services is concerned. The group has pledged to fulfill its election promises to install a drinkable water supply system throughout the province.
However, the reviewers argued usable tap water should not be an urgent priority for Lamphun, which is a largely rural area. Such a plan would be more in line with the requirements of urban dwellers.
The PP needs to shift its perspective from one that revolves around urban problems to one that works harder to come up with plans that address north issues, according to the critics.
The group celebrated its hard-fought succeed in Lamphun, with an idea created that its powerful applicant, Weeradej Pupisit, single-handedly waged a battle against a strong local scion and rode higher on the PP’s popularity. But, the source said this story needs to be busted.
For example, Mr Weeradej’s home is no man to politics. In truth, the state recognizes the Pupisit community as a powerful political force. Mr Weeradej’s parents, Prasert, is a previous Lamphun PAO leader and current leader of the Lamphun chamber of commerce.
According to unofficial results, the 39-year-old member defeated four-time win Anusorn Wongwan of the ruling Pheu Thai Party.
According to the cause, Mr. Anusorn may have underestimated his enemy or been unprepared to contest the election. Because Lamphun has been a conventional Pheu Thai stronghold, complacency may have been higher.
In any case, the PP appears determined to hit the ground running in its effort to put the Lamphun unit into practice.
The primary opposition group cannot afford to see the state become a formidable democratic experiment fail.
With total operational power at its disposal, the party’s ability to resolve issues in the province will be all the test of its ability. In other words, the Lamphun PAO is being seen as a check of the party’s ability to lead a federal government and how useful or ineffectively it can be in serving the county and the people.
If the “lab check” turns out a success, it is bound to supply the PP a great deal to capitalise on. The group would then be expected to significantly broaden its support base and triumph decisively in the 2027 general election.
Nevertheless, a failed Lamphun design may be incredibly damaging to the party’s image and reputation. Neither the PP nor its predecessors, the Future Forward Party and the Move Forward Party before it, has ever been in a state, let alone move one.
A party’s lack of experience does not always translate to a negative outcome. With zero practice of national incompetence, many will be disposed to give the group a chance at management.
If the PP wins the following general election, the Lamphun trial might provide voters with a taste of what lies ahead.
Reluctance to revolution exposed?
Social observers believe that the failure of mutual parliamentary sessions for two consecutive days to discuss charter amendments has exposed the extreme political rigor behind the contract reform process.
Thaksin: May had lobbied
The discussion centers on two ideas to amend Section 256 of the law and create a contract draft assembly to draft a new constitution. The ruling Pheu Thai Party sponsored one candidate, while the main opposition People’s Party ( PP ) supported the other.
Lawmakers from the Bhumjaithai Party, a federal partnership part, staged boycotts. According to group stalwarts, boycotting the conferences looked to avoid breaching the law, which could possibly lead to the group’s breakdown.
A 2021 Constitutional Court decision that stated a referendum may be held to decide whether the electorate wants a new law raised their problems. Yet, the election laws remains in limbo, pending a cooling-off time.
Just 204 parliamentarians were present, according to a staff for the first meeting, less than half of the total MPs and senators needed for a quorum. At least half of all 500 MPs and 200 lawmakers may become present to join the level.
At the next meeting, a staff was conducted once, but only 175 people identified themselves as being current, forcing the appointment to get adjourned.
Pheu Thai MP Sutin Klungsang claims that the review ideas are still in place and can be deliberated when the circumstances are more favorable.
Pheu Thai intentionally skipped the sessions to avoid a vote, he said, citing concerns that the party’s costs may be struck down as a result of the court’s decision. The party will also ask for a new decision from the Constitutional Court to determine a legal course of action.
We must take a step back and ask the court to make a clear decision regarding the election process in response to legitimate concerns, according to Mr. Sutin.
However, the shift has fuelled pessimism among political spectators, who doubt the ruling group’s devotion to pushing for transformation.
Pheu Thai is merely playing for time, according to Olarn Thinbangtieo, a lecturer in political science at Burapha University.
Former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, the party’s alleged de facto leader, could have easily lobbied the Bhumjaithai Party, which is known to have allies in the Senate, to support the amendment bid.
He noted that Bhumjaithai, who is alleged to have influence over more than half of the Senate’s 200-member members, needs the support of one-third of the Senate, or about 70 senators.
Senate approval is required because the constitution states that a charter amendment bill needs the support of one-third of the Senate to pass rather than a simple majority.
Charter reform, in the opinion of Mr. Olarn, was used as a campaign promise to win support in the previous election.
However, two years have passed, and the effort to make changes has made little headway.
The public appears to have no interest in or no understanding of why charter changes are necessary despite the fact that several parliamentary committees were set up to study the matter, he said.
The current bid is a far cry from the reform movement that led to the 1997 charter, Mr Olarn noted.
Politicians opposed the change at the time, but the charter drafters succeeded in creating a climate that raised public awareness. As a result, politicians did not dare to resist, and the country had one of its best versions of the charter”, he said.
Pheu Thai, in his opinion, is stalling because it has other priorities and does not want to directly confront the conservative camp, which is known to oppose charter revision.
He said the PP, which strongly advocates a charter rewrite, is not particularly skilled at political manoeuvring. As a result, the chance of a new charter being adopted before the following election has almost vanished.
With the PP serving as a partner on this issue, passing the amendment should have been simple, with a clear parliamentary majority and a strong PP-Pheu Thai combined vote. However, according to Mr. Olarn, Pheu Thai has been unable to keep tabs on Bhumjaithai and is now trying to deflect blame for the breakdown of the two meetings.
He added that the possibility of the ruling party working with “reserve senators” to request an investigation into the Senate election from the previous year is what should be on the horizon.
A total of 200 senators were elected from 20 professional groups, with shortlisted reserves.
The Department of Special Investigation ( DSI) is reportedly asking the Election Commission (EC ) to expand its investigation into election complaints.
The move aims to turn the Senate from “blue”, the colour associated with Bhumjaithai, to “red”, the colour of the ruling party, and make it easier to advance a political agenda, he said.
Currently, Bhumjaithai is believed to have the upper hand due to its ties with the Senate.
Pheu Thai will have a better time and can win a stronger showing in the next election if there are more red-affiliated senators.
There is no chance of success during the current parliamentary term, he said, so any attempt to amend the charter after the next election will be simpler.