According to some, major political parties cannot avoid being directed, but not by their particular listed leaders. Words have been coined to describe the controlling agent, become they chaperone, string-puller, marionette king, or merely the energy behind the king.
According to a supply, Thai politics has long been linked to “de post leaders” of political parties, who struggle to relinquish power and step aside. The source claimed that some political parties were once looking for” towering figures” who had a sizable influence on how their decisions and policies were put together.
Fast-forward to today and some of the region’s parties may also be in the same position, the source added. The ruling parties, Pheu Thai and Bhumjaithai, are two examples of ghastly situations.
Between them, they have nearly half of the total Members in the House of Representatives. The source said the string-pulling elections has come to characterise “manipulative politics” which is much entrenched in the country.
With former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra on parole and serving his prison term for convictions in many cases he faced last year, Pheu Thai may have a reason to rejoice on August 22.
His opponents have had a blast, accusing Thaksin of breaking the law by using the state’s system to avoid jail time. Otherwise, he was taken to the Police General Hospital, where he was said to have stayed for the first few months of his prison sentence to receive treatment for serious diseases. After that, he was granted pardon.
Thaksin is held in high esteem by Pheu Thai, led by his youngest child, Paetongtarn Shinawatra. The former top has traveled up and down the nation despite being on probation in an ostensible effort to increase support for Pheu Thai.
According to the source, August 22 might give Thaksin a new lease of life since he will be able to practice effective politics.
He may be given the position of Pheu Thai’s leading adviser, which would allow him to have considerable influence over the development and implementation of party policies without much opposition from Ms. Paetongtarn. This is where the lines between management and heart relationships are likely to straddle.
According to the cause, Thaksin has always been the principal character in Pheu Thai, whose history dates back to his founding of the now-dissolved Thai Rak Thai Party.
He was linked to a decision to install Somchai Wongsawat as prime minister and given the credit for laying programs to mobilize red-shirt supporters who led to the election of his brother-in-law as leader. The win saw Thaksin’s younger girlfriend, Yingluck Shinawatra, become prime minister.
While Thaksin was waiting for the Constitutional Court’s decision to remove him for appointing ex-convict Pichit Chuenban as a government minister in the previous change, he could have been hoping for the same outcome with Ms. Paetongtarn, who had at one point flirted with the possibility of replacing him with Srettha Thavisin as elite.
Ms Paetongtarn, is after all, one of two remaining Pheu Thai prime minister individuals. The other is Chaikasem Nitisiri, who is perceived as a much less acceptable choice given his dying wellbeing.
According to the source, Thaksin is then free to concentrate on his social goals without as many restrictions as before.
All eyes are now on Pheu Thai’s plans to use Thaksin’s advice from the sidelines to fend off the growing risk from Bhumjaithai, which is said to have the support of 150 out of 200 lawmakers.
Although Bhumjaithai is led by Anutin Charnvirakul, like Pheu Thai, the third-largest group has a “guiding hand” of its own to talk of. Newin Chidchob, the co-founder of Bhumjaithai, had declared he had washed his hands of politicians and left the party in the treatment of Mr Anutin. He declared he was devoting his time and energy to building up Buriram United, of which he is the president, into a sports superstar.
The cause, however, said that Mr Newin may have faded into the background, but it cannot be presumed that he has severed relations with Bhumjaithai.
According to the cause, Mr. Newin, a skilled lawmaker from a well-known social family, comes across as being aggressive and is also perceived by opponents as having a controversial past.
His track record in the social world includes a corruption scandal in the 1990s where two Buri Ram supporters were found guilty of buying votes, to contributing to the senator party’s increase in 2009 with its leader Abhisit Vejjajiva being elected as prime minister in parliament.
Mr. Newin turned his attention to game after being slapped by the Constitutional Court with a social restrictions along with 110 past Thai Rak Thai Party people.
He is known for giving advice that is needed to steer Bhumjaithai safely through difficult political waters and prevent the party from becoming susceptible to a persistent attack from its allies.
The source added that Mr. Newin has remained in the background and taken a backseat, giving Mr. Anutin the opportunity to take the reins of the group, in contrast to Thaksin.
Thaksin is much more accessible, usually stealing the limelight from his own child. Mr Anutin, on the other hand, comes across as being “himself” in running Bhumjaithai.
Rising from the ashes
143 Move Forward Party ( MPF ) MPs have quickly regrouped and set their sights on winning big in the next general election in 2027, unfazed by the dissolution order.
Thaksin: A’ complimentary’ person after Aug 22
The MFP was ordered to dissolve by the Constitutional Court on August 7 for challenging the group’s effort to amend Section 112 of the Criminal Code, also known as the der guess rules.
Thin Kakao Chaovilai was renamed” Prachachon “]People ] and launched on Aug 9, with 37-year-old Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut as its leader.
According to him, the People’s Party’s ( PP ) goal is to secure enough House seats in the next polls to form a single-party government capable of driving significant changes.
According to spectators, the PP’s primary check will be the by-election in Constituency 1 of Phitsanulok state. Past MP Padipat Suntiphada, who lost his parliamentary seats as a result of the MFP’s breakdown, left the position vacant.
Mr. Padipat was chosen as the first Deputy House Speaker after winning the previous year’s public vote on the MFP’s solution.
He left the MFP after being expelled, which was thought to be a move that would allow him to maintain the position of assistant house speaker and let the MFP leader to assume the position of opposition leader.
One of its people cannot serve as the House Speaker or a deputy Speaker of an opposition group.
In the future by-election in Phitsanulok, cautiously scheduled for Sept 15, the PP has decided to subject Natthachanon Chanaburanasak. In keeping with tradition, coalition parties do not engage in by-elections, so it is believed that even one state party did area a candidate.
The PP is going all out in its preparation for the by-election, with previous MPF professionals, including Pita Limjaroenrat, who has a social restrictions, expected to move out in force to help in the plan.
Observers are confident that the PP will prevail, but they are unsure about the party’s chances of winning the provincial administration organization ( PAO ) chair election.
In subsequent PAO events in Ayutthaya, Chai Nat and Phayao, all the finalists were known to have connections with three state events– Bhumjaithai, the United Thai Nation Party and Pheu Thai. Candidate members of the disbanded MFP were elected as politicians.
According to some experts, the PP’s popularity does not necessarily translate to wins for its candidates in local votes. Long-established social families, known as” Ban Yai”, often hold influence in local politics.
Nevertheless, some observers speculate that the opposition party was caught off guard when the provincial chair’s resignation to force early elections was delayed by the PAO elections ‘ scheduled start until the first election in these regions.
The next MFP argued in its defense that the group did not officially challenge the local elections and that key gathering figures were never actively involved in the election campaigns. It might be cruel to make the claim that the party may compete with the impact of social families.
The second PAO poll in Ratchaburi on September 1 may provide a clearer picture, according to Phichai Ratnatilaka Na Bhuket, a professor in political science at the National Institute of Development Administration.
Chairat Sakisarapong has been chosen by the PP to represent Ratchaburi, and the party promises to improve things in the area. The PP chief believes that it is time for people to show that support is unacceptable in politics.
Aside from Ratchaburi, the PP is expected to actually battle PAO elections in four different regions– Chiang Mai, Udon Thani, Trat and Lamphun. ” The results of the primaries in Ratchaburi and in Phitsanulok, where the PP president will help in the battle, will better represent the party’s popularity”, said Mr Phichai.
The PP has not abandoned its effort to amend Section 112, saying that the Constitutional Court does not forbid changing the law as long as it is revised through the legislative process in parliament when asked at the party’s launch.
” From now on, we have to tread carefully. We have to study the Constitutional Court’s ruling as well as legalities]regarding amending Section 112 to avoid being dissolved again ]”, Mr Natthaphong was quoted as saying.