Commentary ,Asia (Page 8)

SECURITY TRUMPS ECONOMY

In his final statement last year, it is obvious that Mr. Xi has been placing protection and social stability preceding economic growth, stating that” stability is the prerequisite for prosperity, and security is the foundation for development.” While Mr Xi did not speak this time, the gathering signalled stability.

China changed the State Council Organic Law to mandate that the Cabinet “resolutely uphold” the Communist Party of China’s authority and “resolutely apply” the Central Committee’s choices. This change properly shifts power from the condition to the group by removing the separation of gathering and state that Deng Xiaoping implemented in 1982. &nbsp,

The legislation also requests that the State Council promote and support Mr. Xi’s social philosophy, known as the Xi Jinping Thought, to help strengthen his authority over China’s government and society.

After Washington restricted Beijing’s access to advanced silicon chips and investment in areas with military uses, economic growth is also seen through the lens of national security.

Pledges to science and technology to the tune of 370.8 billion yuan ( US$ 51.6 billion ) aim to boost domestic technology and higher- technology self- reliance, include biomanufacturing, quantum computing, electric cars and hydrogen power.

China has searched for new approaches to economic growth based on science and modern innovation under the slogan “new successful forces.” It tries to move emphasis away from the property sector and investment in infrastructure, two of the country’s traditional economic drivers.

However, the focus on” comprehensive national protection,” which involves maintaining control over technology and science and imposing restrictions on private enterprise, was ultimately stymie economic development.

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THE NEW Senator

The implications of Thuong’s death for Vietnam’s political potential, especially in the competition for General Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong’s alternative, hinges on who will complete Thuong’s role.

The new president may have previously served a total word as a Politburo member, according to the Party’s rules, which would include Trong, Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh, National Assembly Chair Vuong Dinh Hue, Secretary of State Truong Thi Mai, and Minister of Public Security To Lam.

Trong, who formerly held the position of leader from 2018 to 2021, may regain it, but his health concerns could be a major barrier. Chinh and Hue are improbable to be engaged, as their present jobs hold more energy than the president. The most likely choices are To Lam and Mai, respectively.

Lam does have a powerful interest in the position at 66 because it might allow him to challenge the Party’s age restriction and get a top position in 2026.

He may have doubts about taking on this innovative position, though. His position as minister of public protection is really powerful, especially given the Party’s ongoing anti-corruption campaign. In comparison, the role of the president largely involves royal duties.

Mai is also a practical choice for the place, especially in the eyes of those vying for the title of general secretary. According to her somewhat weakened power base, it is unlikely that she will be able to use the presidency to contend for the Party’s top position in 2026.

Another way for the Party to overturn its own rules and propose a different lawmaker who has not yet served a full name as a Politburo member but who might contribute to program balance. In this situation, possible candidates for the Ho Chi Minh City Party include Nguyen Van Nen, the party’s secretary, or Phan Van Giang, the defense secretary.

The current contenders to take over Trong and their respective camps does not agree with this choice because they do not want to see the introduction of a fresh and worthwhile contender that could possibly impede their own dreams for the Party’s top position in 2026.

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One chapter of the book Resisting The Nuclear: Art And Activism Across the Pacific, a 1946 film that celebrates the significance of technology in US military can, discusses how Oppenheimer and Albert Einstein recreated the Trinity check. They point out that Oppenheimer appeared stilted in the film’s clips while Einstein appeared inattentive.

The two academics were presumably uneasy with their newly responsibilities as advocates for a terrifying, terrifying systems. If Oppenheimer goes further into this personal distress, the movie keeps firmly in place the connection between the explosives ‘ creators and the damage they caused.

THE BOMBS ARE NOT DISCRIMINATE.

In the end, movies like Oppenheimer offer little, if any, fresh insight into the Hiroshima and Nagasaki attacks and their implications.

More than 200, 000 people died, and those killed included Koreans who had served in Japan as military soldiers or forced laborers as well as residents who had lost their lives.

Koreans make up one in every ten victims of the weapon, but the US state has not recognized them as victims of US military attacks. They continue to struggle to receive medical care for their long-term energy illness.

Additionally, according to my reserve about Asian American victims of the bombings, between 3, 000 and 4, 000 of the bombing victims were Americans of Asian descent. The majority of them were youngsters who were residing with their people or students who had attended Japanese schools before the battle because US schools had become more and more biased toward Asian American students.

These non-Japanese individuals, many of whom were born in the US, have been known to scientists and protesters since at least the 1990s. So it makes me feel strange to watch a movie that only depicts the effects of the weapons in the perspective of the US and its allies, Japan. The bombs did n’t discriminate between friends and enemies, as my work shows.

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TABOO, IGNORANCE AND AVOIDING DISCUSSION ON PERIODS

Period blood has long been falsely regarded as impure in China, with the potential to contaminate anyone who comes into contact with it.

Menstruating women were traditionally prohibited from entering temples, even today women in some places are banned from worship during their periods. To avoid the social discomfort associated with uttering the word “menstruation”, women often used euphemisms such as “the big aunt” or “that”.

From the early 2000s, Chinese feminists began to tackle shame and taboos around menstruation, spurred on by the influence of Western feminist movements. One notable example is the debut of the dance Menarche (named after the first menstrual cycle), which featured in the Chinese adaptation of The Vagina Monologues, in 2003.

A Chinese social media campaign in February 2020, during the COVID-19 pandemic, drew attention to the desperate need for women doctors and nurses to have access to sanitary pads and period pants. Many female medical workers were not given time to change their sanitary pads during their long working hours at hospitals, or did not have access to supplies. A public campaign for donations of sanitary towels or period pants drew support, but critics argued they were nonessential items.

Another issue is that high prices of sanitary items leave many girls unable to afford them. In August 2020, a Weibo user shared a screenshot of bulk sanitary napkins purchased online. The post prompted a wider discussion about how many girls in rural areas didn’t have access to these products, partly because of cost but also because of taboos.

According to one report, 5 per cent of girls in poorer rural areas across China did not use sanitary products, while 13 per cent felt ashamed about asking their parents for money to buy them. Many girls in rural areas were using rough paper, old towels or worn-out clothing.

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BOSTON, Massachusetts: North Korea keeps on surprising. While Pyongyang is busy erasing all references to unification with South Korea, it is extending an olive branch to Japan.

It all began early in 2024 when North Korean leader Kim Jong Un sent a rare message of sympathy for a deadly earthquake in central Japan to Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida. Kishida welcomed the message, saying that he felt a “strong need” for the two countries to improve their relations.

Kim’s sister Kim Yo Jong responded to Kishida’s remark positively. She went as far as welcoming Kishida to visit Pyongyang as long as Japan did not lay a “stumbling block” – a subtle reference to the issue of past abductions of Japanese nationals by North Korean agents. Kishida is personally supervising high-level discussions with North Korea to make a Kim-Kishida summit a reality.

North Korea’s outreach to Japan after more than four years of silence is causing much speculation about Pyongyang’s true intention and whether such a summit would materialise.

Four years ago, I wrote about the prospect of a Japan-North Korea summit between Kim and Japan’s former prime minister Shinzo Abe on the precipice of the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. At that time, North Korea had already met leaders from the United States, South Korea, China, Russia, Singapore and Vietnam. It was thus natural that Abe would be next on Kim’s list.

However, two factors ended the prospect of a Japan-North Korea summit in its infancy. First, neither country was able to overcome the abduction issue. Abe previously declared the return of the remaining abductees would be the precondition for normalisation and sanctions relief per the 2002 Pyongyang Declaration.

After the failed Hanoi summit in February 2019, Abe softened the precondition in an offer of dialogue to Kim, but the North Korean leader was not interested because Kim understood that so long as the United States did not agree to sanctions relief, there was little Japan could provide North Korea.

Then the COVID-19 pandemic happened. While North Korea had to close its borders to fight the virus, Japan had to cancel the 2020 Summer Olympics. There were no sparks like the 2018 Pyeongchang Winter Olympics that could rekindle a Japan-North Korea dialogue.

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Thaksin is still in the wilderness, though. In a media interview with him in Seoul on May 21, 2015, he is also facing two criminal charges for insulting King Bhumibol, the preceding king. Thaksin has also been accused of violating the Computer Law of 2007 for causing false information to travel on cultural media from his meeting in Seoul in addition to the lese- guess law under Section 112 of the Criminal Code, which has a jail term ranging from 3 to 15 years. A peak sentence under this law can be up to 20 years in prison.

When he met with a top attorney to discuss the case on February 19, Thaksin denied any wrongdoing. The Attorney-General may make a fresh decision regarding how to deal with the Thaksin case, which will be made on April 10.

A unique Attorney-General publicly stated his official opinion that the case may be prosecuted in soon 2015. This was in attente of Thaksin’s imprisonment, who was then exiled and residing primarily in Dubai.

Thaksin has been accused of breaking the lese-majeste laws before for the first time. Due to lack of information, many similar cases against him had all been dismissed.

In the fourth month of August, Thaksin can begin counting the days until he can legitimately regain his independence if the situation against him is dropped like it did before.

In the interim, Thaksin may be busy contacting tourists to ask for better positions in a new Cabinet portfolio. Thai officials are aware of who is actually in charge.

The Thailand Studies Programme, ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, is led by Termsak Chalermpalanupap, a Visiting Senior Fellow and acting representative. The ISEAS- Yusof Ishak Institute’s website, Fulcrum, originally contained this remark.

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WAY OUT FOR CHINA?

There are expectations for the Chinese government to do more to boost the economy.

Its focus can be on more than supply-side support, such as boosting manufacturing capability. Demand-side policies, such as tax incentives for durable consumer goods and lowering costs for households, can stimulate consumption and keep up the economic momentum.

Improving confidence is essential, but that is easier said than done. The household perspective often takes time to respond to policy changes and economic data.

For example, new home sales have hovered at 50 per cent of the average of 2019 to 2021, the level before regulatory changes, despite laxer policies introduced to avoid the collapse of indebted property developers, such as Country Garden. It is difficult to repair the damage to confidence, and the government could be finetune regulations on a greater scale.

There is also the challenge of China’s increasing trade-off between security and economic growth. Easing geopolitical tensions would help households reduce future uncertainty, improve the export-driven provinces’ economies and attract foreign investment into China. But this seems an unlikely bet.

If hopes are pinned on consumption to drive China’s economy recovery, it will ultimately depend on the revival of animal spirits and restoring households’ optimism about the future. This will take more than an upbeat start to the Year of the Dragon. China’s economy will probably get worse before it gets better.

Gary Ng is senior economist at Natixis and research fellow at Central European Institute of Asian Studies (CEIAS).

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This is not the only event that has turned into a PR crisis for the Hong Kong government. The city held the FIA World Rallycross Championship for the first time in November 2023. Though the race is not at the same level of Formula 1, it received much hype because the race track was next to Victoria Harbour.

Unfortunately, the event was delayed on its first day as the organisers experienced construction difficulties. The track  was also shortened by one-third, making it the shortest leg in the Championship’s season.

THE ABILITY TO ORGANISE MEGA EVENTS

These disappointments make some locals wonder if Hong Kong has lost the ability to organise mega events. There are similarities between the race and the friendly football match – neither organiser had prior experience running events of that scale. Despite that, the government promised to grant them subsidies and left it up to the organisers to pull the event off.

The poor monitoring was shown in the post-match response, in which the government did not have much information about the contract and negotiations between the organiser and Inter Miami.

The government says that Hong Kong will see over 80 mega events in the first six months of 2024. Indeed, not all of them will be chaotic. Still, will events resuscitate Hong Kong’s embattled tourism sector?

Take UK designer Anya Hindmarch’s Chubby Hearts art installation in Hong Kong as an example. Funding for the art installation, which saw large heart-shaped balloons pop up in several spots across the city, totalled HK$7.8 million.

The art installation took place across 11 days, starting from Valentine’s Day, and attracted decent feedback with photos on social media.

But is it enough to attract tourists to Hong Kong? Probably not.

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