Commentary: Upcoming Malaysia state polls will test PM Anwar’s appeal among ethnic community

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Kedah is emerging as a crucial fight, where PH leaders hope to demonstrate that the coalition may reclaim political ground or even narrowly win in an area that is more than 80 % Malay-dominated. & nbsp,

VOTE FOR THE YOUTH RACE

The decline in popularity that UMNO has experienced in recent years does never appear to be abating, according to nearby officials of the top. To give his alliance a chance to keep his financial promises, Mr. Anwar is counting on first-time electors and the younger Malay people.

The younger voters have no ingrained loyalty to UMNO, in contrast to earlier generations who usually supported the party because it was credited with achieving independence from the British, resolving cultural pressure in the late 1960s, and implementing comprehensive programs that helped common Malays progress financially.

Following Malaysia’s decision to raise the voting age from 21 to 18, 5 million new voters were added to the political rolls in November 2022. & nbsp,

On this storm, Mr. Anwar is counting.

Senior correspondent Leslie Lopez for CNA Digital covers political and economic matters in the area.

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Commentary: China’s answer to Top Gun is a flat spin

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In this film, China is subjected to bullying from developed countries, and in order to compete and defend their” territory ,” they must develop their own cutting-edge fighter jets. The air pressure officers make it clear that, in contrast to developed countries, they must construct these jets themselves. & nbsp,

China needs to defend itself through scientific advancement and self-sacrifice because it is surrounded by enemies on all sides.

No PERFORMING WELL IN DOMESTIC AUDIENCE

One should be aware that Born To Fly is not performing effectively with Taiwanese people despite The Economist reporting it as a box office success. & nbsp,

It is significantly outdone by other Chinese blockbusters, such as Full River Red, which brought in$ 673.5 million, and The Wandering Earth Part 2($ 604.4 million ), despite earning a respectable US$ 125.2 million. & nbsp,

Similar nationalist movies have also made money in recent years, with The Eight Hundred ( 2020 ) and My People, My Homeland( 2021 ), respectively, making US$ 472.6 million and$ 433.2 million, respectively.

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Commentary: Disaster relief dysfunction in Myanmar highlights failure of diplomatic efforts

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DISTRICTIONS DURING Go

However, in the immediate wake, aid workers — both domestic and foreign — were forbidden from completely stepping up their efforts and getting ready for restoration. The government assumed control of relief efforts but also put limitations on cleanup and travel. For dispersing support, some neighborhood help employees were detained, and some editors were taken into custody.

However, a quick needs examination was merely finished by the Emergency Response and Assessment Team of ASEAN on May 30. However, the dictatorship, like the UN, has prohibited ASEAN from providing support.

If one considers the immediate need to rapidly deliver aid to affected civilians, the junta’s following actions were incomprehensible.

Despite extensive building destruction and odd help transmission, the State Administration Council ordered the reopening of 2,400 schools across the state on June 1. The movement of people and materials has also been hampered, which has had an effect on pond treatment and planning for the yearly planting time. The State Administration Council added fresh limitations to foreign aid activities a week later. It halted UN officials’ go authorizations and stopped distributing gifts of foreign aid, including those made by ASEAN nations, that arrived in Yangon.

On June 19, the UN Office for Coordinating Humanitarian Affairs( OCA ) updated the situation. Major problems, imposed by the State Administration Council, remain in place for the replacement of comfort items from outside the state, and some have not yet been approved, according to Cyclone Mocha Situation Report No 5.

According to the report, the state’s humanitarian response has been impacted by the” unexpected contraction of initial authorization for hurricane distribution and transportation programs and the temporary suspension of existing journey.”

Some Rakhine civil society support staff consequently encountered limitations. In many instances, they are the UN’s true implementing partners.

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Commentary: South Korea has world’s lowest fertility rate – that’s bad news for its economy

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COLLEGE STATION, Texas: Around the world, nations are looking at the prospect of shrinking, ageing populations – but none more so than South Korea.

Over the last 60 years, South Korea has undergone the most rapid fertility decline in recorded human history. In 1960, the nation’s total fertility rate – the number of children, on average, that a woman has during her reproductive years – stood at just under six children per woman. 

In 2022, that figure was 0.78. South Korea is the only country in the world to register a fertility rate of less than one child per woman, although others – Ukraine, China and Spain – are close.

As a demographer who over the past four decades has conducted extensive research on Asian populations, I know that this prolonged and steep decline will have huge impacts on South Korea. It may slow down economic growth, contributing to a shift that will see the country end up less rich and with a smaller population.

OLDER, POORER, MORE DEPENDENT

Countries need a total fertility rate of 2.1 children per woman to replace their population, when the effects of immigration and emigration aren’t considered. And South Korea’s fertility rate has been consistently below that number since 1984, when it dropped to 1.93, from 2.17 the year before.

What makes the South Korean fertility rate decline more astonishing is the relatively short period in which it has occurred.

Back in 1800, the United States total fertility rate was well over 6.0. But it took the US around 170 years to consistently drop below the replacement level. Moreover, in the little over 60 years in which South Korea’s fertility rate fell from 6.0 to 0.8, the US saw a more gradual decline from 3.0 to 1.7.

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Commentary: Transparent content moderation key to responsible political discourse in Malaysia

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This was on the purported basis of these groups being brazen enough to “steal” political power from the majority population. While some of this content was eventually removed, it came only after widespread circulation and public outcry.

GAPS IN UNDERSTANDING OF CONTENT MODERATION

Relatedly, social media platforms do not disclose what resources they allocate to individual markets, especially relatively smaller ones perceived as unproblematic, like Malaysia.

Resources here include how well-trained the AI models are at detecting issues specific to Malaysia, the number of human moderators dedicated to the country, and the language proficiency of the AI model and human moderators to account for hyperlocal colloquialisms and slang.

For example, none of the existing resources could flag, moderate, and remove the videos calling for a repeat of the May 13 racial riots of 1969, which involved sectarian violence between Malays and Chinese in Malaysia. This is because the date alone, when detached from its historical significance or context, would not suggest that it constitutes hate speech and incitement towards violence in the present day.

Understandably, content removal requests by the government also raised concerns. Fears are that such moves could lead to censorship of political speech, especially against critics of the current administration.

Of greater concern is that removal requests can be made on vague bases, such as infringing broadly applicable legislation, like Section 505(b) of the Penal Code and Section 233(1) of the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998. The former draws the line for free speech at statements bringing about public mischief, while the latter prohibits the improper use of network facilities.

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Commentary: Gloves come off in spat between Malaysia PM Anwar and Mahathir Mohamad

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MUCH REMAINS UNCLEAR ABOUT UEM-RENONG DEAL

The probe into the UEM-Renong deal, however, could lift the lid on several controversial and unresolved episodes surrounding UMNO’s previously sprawling corporate empire. UMNO, which is the oldest political party in Malaysia, was booted out of power in 2018 and is now a junior member in Mr Anwar’s unity government. 

Senior government officials close to the situation told CNA that the MACC is indeed probing the still-murky behind-the-scenes corporate manoeuvres that led to the controversial RM2.3 billion purchase of a 32.6 per cent stake in Renong by UEM. After 26 years, it is still unclear how and why UEM paid above-market rate for shares in its troubled debt-laden parent company in the middle of a regional financial crisis.

At the time, the equities structures of UEM and Renong featured a complex web of cross-holdings with businessman Halim Saad as the main controlling shareholder of both concerns. Renong and UEM had become the main recipients of government infrastructure contracts, including the North-South Highway toll road project, and both companies invested aggressively in a slew of sectors. 

At its peak, the UMNO corporate empire under both Renong and UEM boasted 11 publicly listed entities in its stable, with interests in banking, real estate development, telecommunications, constructions and toll roads. But this rapid corporate expansion was built on the back of bank borrowings that were collateralised by shares of both companies. 

The regional crisis that triggered weakness in the local currency quickly spread to the stock market and politically linked stocks, such as Renong and UEM were sold down by foreign investors – developments that led to the controversial Renong purchase by UEM.

The transaction, which Mr Halim failed to explain satisfactorily to investors at the time and which was suspected to be a bailout for Renong’s shareholders, pushed the economy into a tailspin.

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Commentary: North Korea remains in COVID-19 isolation, raising fears of famine

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PRESTON, United Kingdom: Three years after COVID-19 hit, people around the world have regained their freedom to move between countries. All except in one country: North Korea or its official name, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK).

In January 2020, Kim Jong Un decided to isolate the entire country from the outside world in response to COVID-19. And in June 2023, North Korea remains closed except for trade with China.

Not long after closing the borders, Kim warned of the possibility of a second “arduous march”, a reference to the famine in which at least 1 million people – more likely double that – starved to death in the late 1990s. By June 2021, Korea watchers already anticipated food shortages. But instead of opening the borders, Kim urged his people to stay strong in the face of “tremendous challenges” of COVID-19.

Even before the border closure, China was North Korea’s only reliable trading partner due to international sanctions imposed in response to Pyongyang’s pursuit of nuclear weapons.

Due to the collapse of the public distribution system during the arduous march in the 1990s, people living in the country’s northern border regions took to smuggling in food, medicines and other daily necessities, mostly from China. Illicitly traded goods were circulated through jangmadang (grey or informal markets), and it became an important survival mechanism for the country’s economy.

But with the lockdown, both official and unofficial trades were also shut down. At the state level, trade between the two countries has slowly resumed but is nowhere near pre-pandemic levels. Due to strict policing of the border, smuggling has become pretty much impossible, making the jangmadang almost inactive.

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Commentary: Divorce is a ‘certificate of happiness’ for some women in modern China

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WESTERN NOTIONS OF LOVE AND PERSONAL CHOICE

These amendments eased the divorce process and made China one of the world’s easiest and cheapest countries to divorce. It was not until 2021 that the government introduced a 30-day ‘cooling off period’ to curb rising divorce rates. But this has come too late and may have little impact in the long run.

China encouraged family planning in the early stages of its economic reform period – most families were restricted to one child between 1979 and 2015. Unlike their parents, who grew up under Maoist ideology, the one-child generation has been heavily influenced by Western notions of romance, freedom in love and personal rights. 

For them, marriage is about love and personal choice. This mentality led to the phenomenon of “naked marriages” – in which couples get married without a car, house, ring, wedding party or honeymoon – and the popularity of “flash” or “fast food” marriages among young couples, followed by “flash divorces”.

Post-1980s generations have also been subject to unprecedented life changes, care and investment from their families and the state. Rising educational attainments and economic statuses, especially of women, have altered the conventional pattern of patriarchal marriages.

A growing number of women have become breadwinners for their families. This is reinforced by a softened masculinity popularised among Chinese young men by the Korean wave in recent decades, fuelling fear of a “masculinity crisis” and a continuing trend toward “stronger women and feebler men” (yinsheng yangshuai).

MODERN FEMINISM IN CHINA

Modern feminism in China defends and demands women’s rights and interests, from fighting sexism and male chauvinism to advocating for women’s equal surnaming rights with their husbands.

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Commentary: India’s new map ruffles regional feathers

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NEW DELHI: India’s new triangular parliament building – set alongside the old circular, colonnaded structure of British colonial rule – symbolises its efforts to build a country free from the trappings of past foreign domination.

But its inauguration has not been straightforward. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi carried a gold sceptre as he presided over the opening last month in the company of Hindu holy men. 

This gave fuel to his opponents, who repeated longstanding claims that he was fraying India’s secular constitutional democracy and argued that President Droupadi Murmu, the head of state, should have been allowed to open the building. Opposition parties boycotted the ceremony and the Indian National Congress’s Rahul Gandhi, Modi’s chief nemesis, dismissed it as a “coronation”. 

A FRESH STIR

Even after that controversy died down, a three-dimensional map on a mural inside the new building has caused a fresh stir. 

The mural features a backlit outline of the subcontinent without any of its present-day borders, stretching west to Pakistan and Afghanistan and east as far as Myanmar. The names are archaic and some of the cities labelled are in other countries, including Purushpur, the Sanskrit name for Peshawar, Pakistan. 

Officials and opposition politicians in Pakistan, Nepal and most recently Bangladesh have voiced concerns.

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Commentary: Why Prabowo Subianto is winning over young Indonesian voters in a three-way race

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And while it’s just one poll 10 months before the vote and conducted in the aftermath of PDI-P’s disastrous intervention in the U-20 FIFA football event in Bali, the trend has alarmed activists and progressives. A refusal to investigate or even revisit serious and credible allegations of human rights abuses is a feature of the political elite across Southeast Asia.

This has continued in Indonesia under the Joko Widodo, or Jokowi as he is commonly known as, presidency despite hopes in 2014 that his election win would bring answers, if not cases against perpetrators, for the families of victims of alleged state-backed violence.

APPARENT ABSOLUTION FROM PRESIDENT JOKOWI

Indeed, those unanswered allegations were a major aspect of the Jokowi campaign against Prabowo in both 2014 and 2019. That the president tapped his former challenger to join the Cabinet as defence minister shortly after winning his second term underscored criticism that Jokowi had abandoned many of his pre-2014 progressive promises and that the PDI-P had feigned concerns about human rights abuses.

Jokowi spent much of the first half of this year championing Prabowo’s 2024 candidacy with high-profile visits and social media posts. Whether that was to back his minister or to pressure PDI-P boss Megawati Sukarnoputri to name Ganjar is still debated.

PDI-P is still suffering from its bumbling youth football catastrophe, undermining faith in the party’s ability to read the will of the country, and with few other candidates and an apparent absolution from Jokowi, Prabowo has good reason to be feeling confident.

Erin Cook is a journalist covering Southeast Asia politics and curates the weekly Dari Mulut ke Mulut newsletter. This commentary first appeared on Lowy Institute’s blog, The Interpreter.

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