Commentary ,Asia (Page 22)

PN’S MALAY REFERENDUM NARRATIVE

PN further entrenched the image that it has replaced the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) as the Malays’ spokesperson. Avoiding the “3-3” or “status quo” description of the election results, PN supporters prefer to compare the total number of seats it won vis-a-vis PH and BN and the inroads it made in the Malay majority seats. This is in line with its Malay referendum narrative.

PN’s performance was far superior: Of the 245 seats on offer in the six states, PN won 146 against PH’s 80 and BN’s 19. PN remains ahead even with PH and BN combined.

And to add insult to injury, PN did way better than BN, which only won 19 out of the 108 seats it contested. In this election, only UMNO contested on behalf of BN; its Chinese and Indian partners, the Malaysian Chinese Association and Malaysian Indian Congress respectively, sat it out.  

Solid victories in Kelantan, Terengganu and Kedah have strengthened PN’s Malay referendum narrative. The signs of PN’s progress were already seen in GE15 when PN swept all Kelantan and Terengganu parliament seats, and won 14 out of 15 seats in Kedah.

Traditionally, the contest in these Malay-dominant states was between UMNO and Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), and the former could still win some seats, or form the government in Terengganu and Kedah.

In this series of state elections, PH lost all 32 seats it contested in Terengganu, won only two of 45 seats in Kelantan, and three out of 36 in Kedah. UMNO’s big guns were defeated in the process.

The Malay unity message PN played during the campaign brought together former rivals and Malay-Muslim nationalist leaders Mahathir Mohamad, Hadi Awang, and Muhyiddin Yassin. This consolidated PN’s hold in the Malay belt.

The Malay referendum narrative also gained traction in PH-BN’s strongholds in Selangor, Negeri Sembilan and Penang. PN increased its seats in Selangor from five to 22, and the increase came from Malay-majority constituencies. It also denied PH-BN the two-thirds majority in the state. PN also made significant inroads in Penang, a PH (DAP) stronghold, by securing 11 seats.

This is quite a coup, considering that PAS (now in PN) only managed to secure one seat in 2018. BN could only win two seats in Penang. Rubbing salt into Anwar’s wounds, Muhyiddin stressed that PN won all three seats in the Permatang Pauh parliament constituency, traditionally the prime minister’s and his family’s seat until the last general election.

Continue Reading

King Vajiralongkorn’s only royally titled son – 18-year-old Prince Dipangkorn Rasmijoti – is, according to unofficial reports, autistic and “mentally challenged”. Even if true, this might not impede his ability to perform regal functions when the time comes. However, there could be a role for a trusted, relatively young, family member to help him.

In any event, given the issues facing his two half-sisters, one of the prince’s four half-brothers as a ”spare” may be a wise bet.

HOPE OF A FAMILY RAPPROCHEMENT

For their part, the four estranged sons have long stated their desire to return to Thailand. In 2016, after the death of their grandfather King Bhumibol Adulyadej, they expressed their respect for, and loyalty to, their father as the new king on a now-restricted Facebook page.

The visit’s prominent coverage in the Thai media raises hopes of a family rapprochement. Previously, the press airbrushed the four out of reporting on the king’s family. That said, limits remain. Even now, the Thai press does not mention the other two brothers by name. And it is coy on why they have remained abroad for so long.

More importantly, were the royal connections of the four to be restored, it would give greater certainty to the reigning Chakri dynasty. The 71-year-old monarch has no acknowledged grandchildren. And there are no signs that either of his unmarried daughters will be having any in the foreseeable future, certainly not in the next few years.

Absent his four US-based sons, this puts the onus on 18-year-old Prince Dipangkorn to maintain the family line.

Continue Reading

SINGAPORE: A quintessential Thai-style hung parliament has emerged after the Thai Senate twice obstructed Pita Limjaroenrat, the leader and prime ministerial candidate of the Move Forward Party (MFP), in his bid to become Thailand’s 30th prime minister.

The fiery contention between the country’s political parties has led the Pheu Thai Party to exclude the MFP as a coalition partner. The political deadlock shows little signs of resolution, as questions linger about the Senate’s readiness to endorse Srettha Thavisin of Pheu Thai as an alternative candidate. 

During the first parliamentary meeting to select the prime minister on Jul 13, the Senate, which consists of 250 members hand-picked by the military government in early 2019, overwhelmingly abstained or voted against Pita’s candidacy. They accused the MFP of attempting to subvert the monarchy by campaigning to amend Article 112 or the lese-majeste law. 

Consequently, the MFP-led coalition, consisting of eight parties, fell 51 votes short of a majority endorsement from the bicameral parliament (that is, 375 out of 749 votes). 

On Jul 19, the Senate reaffirmed its opposition to Pita by voting against his renomination. The rationale was that Pita’s renomination constituted a motion that had already lapsed, making it ineligible for resubmission in that parliamentary session, according to Rule 41 of the parliamentary rules and procedures.

THAI SENATE OPPOSITION NO SURPRISE

The Senate’s opposition to Pita comes as no surprise, given that most of its members were appointed by the National Council for Peace and Order established after the May 2014 military coup. The Senate predominantly consists of individuals closely linked to the junta, including friends, relatives, and former members of the junta’s Cabinet, lawmakers and top active-duty military commanders. 

Continue Reading

BREAD AND BUTTER CONCERNS

The Malaysian job landscape presents a dual-sided coin with its own complexities.

Despite being an upper middle-income economy, Malaysia has grappled with persistently modest average graduate pay scales.

According to the Socso survey, 28.7 per cent of graduates’ placements in 2022 started below RM1,999 (US$440) a month.

The average household in Malaysia spent RM5,150 per month in 2022, according to the Household Income and Household Expenditure Survey released last month.

Employers often cite education-job mismatches as a reason for stagnant wages, alongside what they perceive as lacklustre work attitudes from graduate employees. Conversely, many graduates may be hesitant to work for employers who offer what they consider inadequate or subpar wages.

In the Socso graduate job survey, data showed that close to 65 per cent – nearly two-thirds – of those underemployed went into “sales and services”.

It can be argued that these underemployed graduates may prefer the often commission-based remuneration schemes associated with such roles, which they may feel are more commensurate with their job contribution. Others within this category might take up essentially franchised independent-contractor positions, such as e-hailing, which gives them greater flexibility over their schedules.

In the realm of “sales and services”, these graduates, while perhaps still mildly perturbed at being underemployed, are likely to be more preoccupied with practical concerns such as meeting sales targets and fulfilling financial commitments.

Politically, they would be more likely to prefer parties they perceive as effective in managing the economy and rolling out socioeconomic policies with promises of tangible improvements to their livelihoods, irrespective of whether their employment status aligns with their educational qualifications.

Continue Reading

NEW DELHI: Not for the first time in its modern history, Pakistan’s judiciary – tacitly backed by the rest of its “establishment” – appears to be seeking to snuff out the career of a leading politician.

Late last week, former Prime Minister Imran Khan was convicted of misappropriating official gifts. He has been sentenced to three years in prison and cannot stand for election for five years.

Khan claims, not without reason, that the slew of legal proceedings against him are intended to keep him from contesting the next general elections, expected this fall. Khan’s party, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf or PTI, has won a streak of by-elections since being forced out of power last year and had a good chance of returning to power.

That prospect is anathema to Pakistan’s establishment, in which the military plays a dominant role. After first embracing Khan’s insurgent, Islamist, anti-US rhetoric, the generals have more recently recoiled against his increasingly direct, populist attacks.

Past Pakistani leaders, including Khan’s predecessor Nawaz Sharif, have been disqualified on equally flimsy grounds.

SIMILARITIES BETWEEN KHAN AND TRUMP

In many ways, though, Khan’s hold over his followers is unique – closer to that wielded by a figure such as former US president Donald Trump, himself caught up in an expanding legal morass. Neither man’s opponents should celebrate too soon.

On the one hand, it is true that the populist movements led by figures such as Khan and Trump are highly dependent on their personalities.

Khan’s decades in the public eye as the charismatic captain of the national cricket team mean that his followers see him not as a “regular” politician but as a successful celebrity outsider capable of transforming the country.

Continue Reading

But if we continue to accept these supposed norms, we do so at the expense of gender equality and women’s well-being and mental health.

“By perpetuating gender inequality and economic disempowerment, unpaid care and domestic work affect women’s health, their education and employment opportunities while also increasing their vulnerability to violence,” APEC said in the 2022 report. 

An analysis of 19 studies covering 70,310 people globally, published by The Lancet Public Health in 2022, also found that the more of this unpaid labour women do, the worse their mental health. 

This is a good reason to stop perpetuating gender stereotypes and raising generations who think it is acceptable for women to shoulder the bulk of household and caregiving responsibilities.

Gendered expectations start from young. If girls are expected to clean up after meals, while boys are allowed to slack off – because girls are more organised and well, boys are just being boys – they will grow up thinking this is the norm.

“We have to educate and advocate for mindset changes towards gender roles and ‘de-feminise’ the caregiving and household responsibilities,” said Georgette Tan, president at United Women Singapore, in the Ipsos report. “By ensuring shared responsibilities, this will allow women more time for self-care, pursue their career aspirations and contribute even more to the community.” 

TAKING THE INITIATIVE

Men need to realise that they play an equally essential role in raising their children and maintaining the household. They need to step up their game.

Continue Reading

WE’RE TOO SELF-CONSCIOUS

But it’s unlikely the facekini will find its place in Singapore for now, even with our year-round summer climate. According to the National Environment Agency, UV radiation can reach very high levels between 11am and 3pm on a day with little cloud cover in Singapore.

Women here may be willing to spend on our beauty routines but we are still a relatively coy bunch who will be too self-conscious walking around the beach or downtown in a facekini. The humidity certainly doesn’t help encourage us to put on an accessory likely to make us perspire even more.

It’s far easier to hide from UV rays under an umbrella or dodge into an air-conditioned shopping mall.

Those who do rigorous sports may also find a facekini inconvenient compared to slathering on sunscreen or wearing a cap for UV protection.

Something that offers sun protection while being more discreet than a facekini may yet find its market here.

A recent trend of using “sun patches” has already picked up in South Korea. These are UV-protective plasters pasted on the high points of the face where UV rays tend to hit first to act as a physical barrier and help with sun protection.

These first gained popularity among golfers and are beginning to be seen on Korean beachgoers, especially after members of K-pop boy band SEVENTEEN were seen using them in a TV programme.

And if the trend of using sun protection accessories goes on in South Korea, it might not be long before the beauty-conscious crowd decides to go all out and invest in a well-designed, more fashionable facekini.

So hold in your laughter for now. Because who knows, after a few K-pop idols are seen wearing it for both sun protection and privacy, we may start seeing trendy people in facekinis lounging along the beaches of Sentosa.

Kristen Juliet Soh is the editorial director and co-founder of Daily Vanity.

Continue Reading

Meanwhile, through the BURMA Act – incorporated into the National Defense Authorization Act and signed by President Joe Biden in December 2022 – the US pledged to provide nonlethal assistance, such as medical supplies, radar equipment and armored military vehicles, to pro-democratic forces in Burma.

Although this is welcomed by supporters of Myanmar democracy, it nonetheless makes it harder to force a weakened opposition to the negotiating table – especially if it believes it is winning the war.

And finally, although the junta is finding it difficult to force an emboldened pro-democracy opposition into submission, it is still the strongest party in the conflict. Knowing that might make it more reluctant to negotiate.

As it is, any mediator faces the problem of trying to force a military junta used to being in power and accustomed to impunity over its actions to the table.

WHAT IS INDONESIA’S ROLE?

So where does that leave Indonesia’s attempt to play regional peacemaker?

Patience is understandably running thin for international observers who watch the military junta committing atrocities on the opposition daily. Some have called on Indonesia to suspend Myanmar’s ASEAN membership.

Although Indonesia and the rest of ASEAN member states decided not to invite the representative of the junta to attend this year’s summit, they are unlikely to suspend its ASEAN membership out of concern for destabilising the region further.

As an aspiring regional power, Indonesia has the ability to harness not only its economic and military weight but its moral voice by continuing to appeal to warring parties to better protect the lives of Myanmar civilians.

Getting the combatants to agree to end the violence might be an unattainable goal during its tenure as the chair of ASEAN. But if Indonesia is to become a stabilising leader in the region, it will need to continue efforts long after it relinquishes that role in December 2023.

Continue Reading