Commentary: The fraught history of India and the Khalistan movement

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Campaigners FROM KHALISTAN WERE KILLED

The death of Nijjar marks the second intentional killing of Khalistan leaders outside of India.

Head of the Khalistan Commando Force Paramjit Singh Panjwar was killed in May in Lahore, Pakistan, by two identified attackers. Avtar Singh Khanda of the Khalistan Liberation Force, based in the UK, was accused of intoxication to death in June.

Nijjar served as both the leader of the Khalistan Tiger Force and an active member of Sikhs for Justice, a team based in the United States that is working to establish an independent state of Sikhism. Sikhs for Justice have been holding elections in support of Khalistan since 2022 in Canada and other countries.

According to Punjabi intelligence officers, Nijjar had assumed control of the Khalistan Tiger Force as the” operational head” and was assembling teams to launch attacks, The Times of India reported in 2016.

Additionally, it asserted that Nijjar often traveled to Pakistan and interacted with Pakistani intelligence. Additionally, there have been claims that Nijjar was preparing an invasion in Punjab by operating a tent close to Mission, British Columbia.

That document, according to Mission Mayor Randy Hawes, is unreliable. When asked if that claim had any merit, Canada’s public health minister, Ralph Goodale, declined to respond at the time.

Nijjar noted in an open letter to Trudeau that the accusations made against him were” technically false and falsified.” ” I believe that I have become the target of an Indian government media campaign to label my human rights campaign as” terrorism activities” because of my campaign for Sikh rights ,” he continued.

The most recent event in the ongoing dispute between India and Canada regarding the Khalistan activity is the Nijjar episode. The American government asserts that India’s independence, territorial integrity, and security are in jeopardy because Canada hasn’t outlawed organizations like the Khalistan Tiger Force and Sikhs for Justice.

Canada has so far steadfastly refused to halt the elections. In the meantime, India’s latest Indian populist government is still intolerant of any dissenting opinions, particularly those from minority groups.

At the University of Victoria, Reeta Tremblay teaches social science. The Conversation was where this remark second appeared.

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Commentary: Why is Beijing sensitive about clothes that ‘hurt the feelings of the Chinese nation’?

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In addition to the fact that the law may incite political sentiments in some segments of the Taiwanese populace, it may also foster social interactions that are not conducive to cross-cultural and people-to-people interactions.

In addition to China’s delayed post-pandemic opening, spectators observe a significant decline in the number of foreign visitors to the country, which may be partially attributed to worsening ties with the West. In late June, the US State Department advised Americans to” evaluate journey( to China ) due to arbitrary enforcement of local regulations, including in relation to leave restrictions and the risk of unlawful detentions.”

Beijing would do well to prevent local politics at its water’s advantage as much as possible at a time when Beijing is pushing for cross-cultural exchanges worldwide. In fact, China has recently demonstrated a willingness to restrain its” dog warrior” approach to foreign policy, as evidenced by the dismissal of Mr. Zhao Lijian as the Chinese foreign ministry’s official. One of the West’s most vocal detractors was Zhao.

PUBLIC SECURITY REFORMS TIMING

More than ten years ago, on January 1, 2013, Beijing implemented its final revision to the public safety rules. Although the precise motivations behind Beijing’s recent push for new laws are inevitably unknown, it comes at a time when China is struggling with slow economic growth and alarmingly high youth unemployment. Nationalism and monetary expansion are two of the most closely scrutinized pillars that support the authenticity of China’s Communist Party regime.

The schedule of the proposed law seems to indicate an effort to strengthen the group’s reputation as a fervent supporter of Chinese regional satisfaction as progress is sluggish. However, the government’s arduous efforts to draw in and keep international investments in China may be undermined by the rise of political sentiment, which could worsen the economic difficulties of the nation.

The suggested improvements criminalize offensive clothing as well as icons and remarks. If you look at it more closely, the proposed laws reflect the direction of local politics in China in a new century, where the celebration is positioned as the driving force behind the country’s revival.

It is still unclear whether Chinese legislators may ultimately pass the law or make additional amendments to clarify the proposed additions given the lengthy open debate and the foreign stakes involved.

Li Mingjiang is an Associate Professor and Provost’s Chair in International Relations at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU, and Tiong Wei Jie is a PhD candidate in foreign connections.

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Commentary: Rice export bans and price caps are a food crisis risk for Asia

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RICE RISING Quick Need

Sadly, the lessons learned from the rice price spike between 2007 and 2008 — when the grain cost more than tripled and then quickly rose to above$ 2,000 per tonne( USD )— have not been taken into account. Then & nbsp, export restrictions, price caps, and hoarding created a difficult and tragic situation. Asia today runs the same risk of outcome.

Asian countries andnbsp clearly need to guard their vulnerable populations from sharp increases in food costs, but they also have more complex tools at their disposal than common export restrictions and one-size-fits-all price caps. Targeted assistance, such as through robust security safety nets, is more effective and much less expensive. In addition, & nbsp,

Current issues with The & nbsp highlight the need to support increased rice production. The good news is that Eastern governments have learned a number of lessons from the food crisis that lasted from 2007 to 2008, as well as from stepping up support for their producers. Since therefore, production has posted records nearly every year.

Yet in 2023, production and nbsp are predicted to reach an all-time high due to droughts linked to El Nino. The bad news is that demand is increasing even more quickly as a result of Asia and Africa’s declining severe poverty and booming people growth.

Institutions require production even more in order to keep up. Andnbsp, That’s challenging in a time of climate change when everyone is attempting to cut back on fertilizer and water usage.

One choice is to make additional investments in better grains, including physically modified ones. China has long opposed genetically modified organisms, but now it is opening the door, beginning with wheat.

To prevent crop losses after harvest, another option is to enhance & nbsp, farming infrastructure, including silos. Regional development banks could do much more to channel money in the latter & nbsp area. & nbsp,

Asia needs to adopt the curve and allow free markets to operate more than attempting to stretch the supply and demand diagrams. Magno has returned to & nbsp and is currently teaching a course on public economics. All we can hope for is that some officers and nbsp visit her course. & nbsp,

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Commentary: Why China’s real estate crisis should make the global travel industry nervous

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Even though general visits to Japan had recovered to 70 % of pre-pandemic levels as of April, Chinese commerce there had decreased by about 85 % since 2019. Foreign travel to well-known Western nations like France, Switzerland, Greece, and Spain has also significantly decreased.

Overall, it is anticipated that China’s outgoing travel spending will be over roughly 70 % this year from its pre-pandemic peak.

To be honest, hospitality in China is recovering to some extent as modest travelers increasingly choose to stay closer to home. According to the China Tourism Academy, domestic tourism will account for 90 % of pre-pandemic levels in 2023. However, the effect of a decline in consumer trust didn’t be mitigated by that alone. The fact that travelers are willing to spend less money is a contributing factor.

Foreign traveling agencies have been shuttering in large numbers in recent years due to demand issues, the effects of COVID-19, and political unrest. About 8,500 commerce officials and businesses filed for bankruptcy between January and April 2022. Even if there were some reopening, the attrition and disturbance were bad news for the industry.

International tourism has had a difficult few years, with the crisis and rising gas prices deterring would-be travelers. A treatment will be that much more difficult for Chinese consumers who are feeling down in the dumps about the market and choosing humble vacations.

Professor of advertising at Miami University, Zhiyong Yang. The Conversation was where this remark second appeared.

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Commentary: Malaysia at 60 – one country, three visions

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HOBART, Australia: The Federation of Malaysia, a nation renowned for its success in Southeast Asia, did commemorate its 60th anniversary on September 16.

While neighbors like Indonesia, Thailand, and the Philippines have suffered military overthrows and significant casualties as a result of civil unrest, Malaysia has only ever seen one event: the cultural riots on May 13, 1969.

The democratic system was then overhauled into a Ketuanan Melayu( Malay Supremacy ) structure after order had been restored. This resulted in a protracted period of stability under the Barisan Nasional ( BN ) coalition, particularly during Mahathir Mohamad’s rule from 1981 to 2003.

When Mahathir, who had just returned from retreat, led the opposition to reverse the BN in 2018, the system collapsed. Surprisingly, he served as prime minister again from 2018 to 2020 at the age of 93.

Anwar Ibrahim, a long-regarded” Muslim democrat” in the West, was asked by the Prince to shape the coalition government in November of last year following an ineffective election. The current two-coalition arrangements in Malaysia are made up of the opposition Perikatan Nasional ( Bersatu, Parti Islam Se – Malaysia and Gerakan) and Anwar’s unity government( Pakatan Harapan, BN, and Borneo parties ).

THE Flood OF GREEN

The rise of political Islam and Parti Islam Se-Malaysia( PAS) was the election’s biggest lesson from November 2022. With 49 chairs, PAS is currently the largest group in the Indonesian congress. The Democratic Action Party ( DAP ), a Chinese-based organization that represents non-Malays and has 40 seats, is the second-largest party in parliament.

While some politicians claimed that the” natural wave” was either unreal or a one-off occurrence, it may in fact be reflected in Malay politics. More and more Malays, particularly among the younger age group, are supporting claims that PAS’s perspective for the creation of a Malay-Islamic position is what will shape Malaysia in the future.

This was supported by the current state elections on August 12 that were held in six says on the Malay Peninsula. According to the findings, PAS not only kept the Malay seats that were won in November 2022, but also gained an additional 5 to 7 percent of the vote.

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Commentary: North Korea’s newfound confidence is a dangerous thing

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The US needs to make its case for what this bond & nbsp means for the rest of us much louder. The White House’s suspensions are dishonest. It & nbsp has already made it clear that these closer ties are undesirable and has discussed the consequences and high price Pyongyang will have to pay if they persist.

However, nobody is paying attention, and the US is preoccupied. Countering Beijing, which legislators view as the US’s single most significant philosophical conundrum, is the primary concern of nbsp.

Ignoring the risk of North Korea is dumb.

However, disregarding the Pyongyang risk is dumb. Restrictions are ineffective, and denuclearization talks have stalled.

Despite being one of the poorest nations in the world, North Korea still spends between 20 % and 30 % of its gross domestic product on its military. It is also creating arms at an unprecedented rate, according to some estimates, with nuclear warheads capable of over 100 nbsp and the ability to attack South Korea and US troops stationed there. In addition, & nbsp,

The risk of a nuclear-armed North Korea is now actual, and the Biden administration cannot avoid it by failing to enact additional punishment.

At a recent military parade in Pyongyang, Sergei & nbsp, Shoigu, and Li Hongzhong, two members of the Communist Party of China’s 24-member Politburo, were joined by Kim and two other guests. According to Jonathan Corrado, director of policy for the New York-based Korea Society, he & nbsp is betting on this new love triangle” to end its isolation with strengthened partnerships that will enable a bigger breakout.” & nbsp,

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Commentary: Corruption or clean-up? The puzzle of China’s purges in its elite nuclear force

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THE Jet FORCE’S Growth WILL NOT BE HAMPERED BY LATEST PURGES

The knowledge of Mr. Xi’s earlier staff meetings has unavoidably come to light given that he oversaw the creation of the PLA Rocket Force and Strategic Support Force.

The most recent choice to parachute General Wang, a naval officer, to command the nation’s corporate missile forces is extraordinary in recent Rocket Force history and has also drawn criticism. In fact, earlier officers received promotions from within the military.

As it stands, the PLA has frequently discussed the redeployment of soldiers among the various services departments.

Admiral Liu Huaqing, who is credited with founding the current Chinese army, spent a significant portion of his career as an infantry officer. Wang Ning, a retired captain of the People’s Armed Police, had no previous experience with the military organization prior to his appointment.

Undoubtedly, some critics would have taken that as evidence that the PLA was still stuck with its standard” Big Army” culture if generals from the ground forces had been chosen to command the Rocket Force instead.

It’s possible that Wang Houbin and Zhao Xisheng are familiar with Rocket Force activities to some extent. Rocket Force resources have become more integrated under the revised shared Theatre Command program since Mr. Xi’s significant military shake-up, enabling joint operations with each of their army, navy, and air force counterparts.

Beijing’s determination to increase the effectiveness and mortality of the Rocket Force is clear given that it has emerged as the regular services’ biggest winner in the reforms, both in terms of maintaining control over its procedures bases and weapon brigades and witnessing their growth.

The continuous purges in the Rocket Force are more of a sign of the party army’s inside clean-up than it is of Chinese President losing control over the military because they are the trump card for the PLA. & nbsp,

James Char is a Research Fellow with the China Program at Singapore’s Nanyang Technological University( NTU ), S Rajaratnam School of International Studies( RSIS ).

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Commentary: Thailand’s reconfigured government is old wine in new bottles

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It is also improbable that ardent liberals who view the Red Shirt Movement and Thaksin as corrupting forces will suddenly change their minds. Thaksin’s profit and later pardon are unlikely to put an end to the social unrest that his exile caused.

In both political and street-level politics, Thaksin has served as the lightning rod for conflict between rival groups for more than ten years. The current changes, however, imply that the tension’s center is shifting away from Thaksin.

All indications point to the establishment of a new democratic fault line centered on the monarchy’s function.

After all, Pheu Thai just gained access to the executive branch after explicitly promising to exclude the MFP and abstain from implementing monarchy-related reforms. Progressives will gravitate toward the MFP rather than Pheu Thai because they believe it is the legitimate party to carry out common transformation.

Conservatives, on the other hand, must choose between accepting Thaksin and Pheu Thai as the lesser of two evils and adopting a decidedly liberal stance that not longer offers deaf allegiance to the monarchy in order to adapt to new social challenges.

A SMALL COALITION

In response to these escalating tensions, the current administration has taken a resolute stance and has gathered all interests — aside from those favored by the MFP — into one grand coalition.

However, this coalition’s fragility calls into question its” grand” status. A one party or faction’s defection would not endanger the whole alliance in a real grand coalition, as demonstrated by the Thai Rak Thai in 2001.

But, as things stand, the only thing that could dislodge Srettha, a prime minister without social position, whether in Pheu Thai or the larger coalition, would be if the Bhumjaithai Party withdrew its support during the no-confidence debate.

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Commentary: Time for ASEAN to walk its talk of regional leadership

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But, ASEAN has been unable to take the current ruling junta in line with the Five-Point Consensus agreed upon in April 2021 by associating with Naypyidaw’s obstinate leadership today and being hindered by divisiveness within its own ranks. & nbsp,

Externally, the US-China competition has gotten so bad that East Asian countries feel obliged to pick edges— something they would quite avoid— despite claims made at the ASEAN Summit by US Vice President Kamala Harris and Chinese Premier Li Qiang about their individual countries’ support for the organization.

Additionally, ASEAN has made a point of arguing its validity to the Indo-Pacific, which is how international policymakers currently view Asia.

Plan structures like China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the US-backed Quad, AUKUS, and Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity have proliferated in recent years. Some people view these arrangements as competing structures to ASEAN-led ones, which pose a threat to the organization’s lauded” centrality” in regional affairs. & nbsp,

TIME TO GET STARTED

ASEAN must act now or risk losing everything in the face of that challenging situation. & nbsp, The Indo-Pacific offers opportunities that ASEAN could take advantage of as a region in flux.

Granted, relationships between the US and China are probably going to deteriorate. With its most recent federal image, which stakes statements from the Himalayas to the South China Sea, China even infuriated the area once more. India, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan, and Vietnam, all of which have regional issues with China, have voiced their opposition to the offensive image.

However, it is still unclear whether a weaker China will continue to rule the ASEAN area with its divide-and-conquer strategies given its current financial problems. Furthermore, it is unclear whether China’s decline, which is anticipated to have a negative impact on Southeast Asia, will loosen Beijing much in terms of its economic hold on the region to persuade nations like Cambodia and Laos to soften their staunch pro-China stances. In addition, & nbsp,

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Commentary: Malaysia opposition party PAS’ overconfidence might be its undoing

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Of course, the only issue is PAS’s unfavorable track record in gathering and partnership partnerships.

The single popular party that has never remained affiliated with a group it has collaborated with is this one. This is in contrast to the partnership made up of Parti Keadilan Rakyat, the Democratic Action Party, and Amanah, as well as the UMNO, Malaysian Chinese Association, Malaysia Indian Congress, Gabungan Parte Sarawak partnership.

Even in situations requiring similar collaboration, PAS has a propensity to be domineering and bulldozing its approach. The group’s refusal to budge and yield is demonstrated by its boycott of the Gerakan presidential campaign in the Malay-majority chair of Bayan Lepas.

THE Anguish OF PAS CHIEF ABDUL HADI AWANG

However, Abdul Hadi is a person on the go, and his constant need to buy the” state collapse” story shows how impatient his supporters are. Hadi Awang urged voters to elect his alliance, PN, as the state government for the six states throughout the August state elections in an effort to topple the federal government.

This is true even though state-level partnership formations have no bearing on national levels, and the federal government currently holds a two-thirds majority in parliament, making defections unlikely to be successful for the first time in 15 years.

In any case, the anti-party leaping law makes it randomly difficult for defections to occur without repercussions. A crash ultimately did not occur because the one government bloc kept its three states.

Abdul Hadi did the same for the new Pulai by-election to emphasize his desperation, claiming that gaining one more seat would spark the movement to modify the federal government, but absurd this may sound.

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