Commentary: Malaysia opposition party PAS has a long-term plan to go its own way

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PAS did not defend Bersatu when its renegade members chose to support the Unity Government. In the mind of PAS leaders, this was not unexpected; after all, Bersatu is a party built by defectors. The marginalisation of Bersatu in the SG4 executive councils is a signal of PAS’ intent of building internal strength instead of relying on partners to deliver their part.

AN UPHILL BATTLE

Apart from these focus areas, PAS will likely continue to deepen its community roots like it has always done in the northeast of West Malaysia. The only difference is that it would focus on projecting an urban and modern image, such as setting up a “super app” with functions such as an e-wallet.

It remains an uphill battle for PAS. The SG4 are among the poorest states in Malaysia, with the lowest household income and highest poverty incidence.

Kelantan and its water woes for the past few years were a clear standout. At the party congress, the Kelantan chief minister, Mohd Nassuruddin Daud, struggled to cite good examples of PAS’ governing success, besides providing interest-free loans for cheap housing.

At the same time, PAS’ insular thinking about non-Malays would likely yield little returns. The Nik Aziz slogan of “PAS For All” still rings hollow under Abdul Hadi’s leadership, which is defined by the dangerous amplification of racial rhetoric.

It would be a mistake to assume that PAS’ strategy could work in the short term, but it would be a bigger mistake to assume that PAS is not placing bets on the long term. After all, without long-term thinking, it would not have survived a half-century in opposition and ended up where it is today.

James Chai is a Visiting Fellow at ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute and a columnist for MalaysiaKini and Sin Chew Daily. This commentary first appeared on the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute’s blog, Fulcrum. Continue Reading

Commentary: Russia’s memory diplomacy is paying dividends in Southeast Asia

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MANUFACTURED REMEMORIES

Even if World War II thoughts are created, it is difficult but not impossible. When their defense ministers unveiled an Allies Of Myanmar Warriors monument in Moscow’s Patriot Park in August to commemorate the Battle of Mandalay in early 1945, Myanmar and Russia did exactly that.

Sergei Shoigu, the Russian Defense Minister, stated at the opening ceremony that it was crucial to” preserve and protect the reality of true history” and that Burma and the Soviet Union had worked together to put an end to fascism( a term that is already popular in the Kremlin because it has accused the Russian leadership of being Nazis ). One of the men in the statue is shown holding a rifle from the Soviet Union.

In actuality, Moscow did not offer Burma any defense support during the conflict.

The Cold War is a more fertile ground for Moscow’s memory delicacy in Southeast Asia because it was during the time of superpower conflict that the Soviet Union supported republican movements in the area.

The Kremlin’s enormous military and financial contributions to Vietnam and Laos during the Cold War continue to be the cornerstone of both nations’ relations with Russia.

Senior Asian leaders always mention Moscow’s” heartfelt help” for Vietnam in its” fight for national independence and reconciliation ,” as Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh just did.

A statue honoring Russian aircraft who killed Burmese pilot training in the 1970s was unveiled in Vientiane in 2022. The storage of the heroic deed performed by the Russian pilots will be in the minds of both peoples, according to the Russian ambassador to Laos.

Earlier in the 1960s, weapons payments from the Soviet Union to Indonesia helped the Sukarno government defeat the Dutch and annex Papua.

The construction of the Khmer-Soviet Friendship Hospital in Phnom Penh is one example of how Russia frequently uses the meager support it currently provides to Southeast Asia to preserve the memory of Communist support.

Moscow’s remembrance of politics in the case of Thailand, which sided with America during the Cold War, dates back to the late 19th centuries, when the royal households of Imperial Russia and the Kingdom of Siam developed near personal relationships. Tsar Nicholas II is credited with preventing Siam from being colonized by Britain and France in both Russian and Vietnamese tales. The Russians are often eager to embellish this historical fact.

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Commentary: Israel-Hamas war puts China’s strategy of ‘balanced diplomacy’ in the Middle East at risk

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The Israel-Hamas war, which has so far been centered around the idea of” balanced diplomacy ,” is, in my opinion, the sternest test however of President Xi Jinping’s Middle East strategy, as a professor who teaches courses on Chinese foreign policy.

Growing pro-Palestinian opinion in China and the nation’s long-standing ties to the area imply that, should Xi be forced off the path of fairness, he will support the Palestinians rather than the Israelis.

Beijing, however, may prefer not to make that decision for smart economical and foreign policy considerations. Making such a decision, in my opinion, would effectively put an end to China’s ten-year effort to establish itself as an influential” helpful plumber” in the area— an outside force that aims to mediate peace agreements and establish an incredibly diverse regional economic and security purchase.

BEIJING’S Techniques AND Goals

China was not the country that invested in the Middle East, contrary to what was widely believed in political circles ages ago. This hasn’t been the case since around 2012. Since then, China has invested a lot of political effort in expanding its influence in the area.

China’s strategic vision for the Middle East is considerably enhanced while the US influence is greatly reduced in Beijing.

On the one hand, this is merely a geographical expression of the world vision, as outlined in dozens of Chinese foreign policy initiatives, including the Community of Common Destiny, Global Development Initiative, and Global Security Initiative. All of these initiatives are intended, at least in part, to appeal to nations in the Global South that feel extremely cut off from the US-led rules-based global order.

It is a perspective based on worries that China’s entry to the Middle East oil and gas exports would be threatened if the United States maintained its control there.

That does not imply that Beijing wants to overthrow the United States as the region’s dominant force. Given the strength of the money and the US’s long-standing ties to some major economies in the region, that is impossible.

Instead, China’s stated strategy is to encourage regional multi-alignment, which encourags unique nations to cooperate with China in areas like infrastructure and industry. By doing this, China and other players in the area are strengthened, and any incentives to add unique US-led blocs are also undermined.Continue Reading

Commentary: How China can reassure nervous foreign investors before it’s too late

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HONG KONG: Joe Biden and Xi Jinping, the presidents of China and the US, appear set to meet in San Francisco later this month. They will undoubtedly concentrate on the Taiwan issue, which poses the biggest threat to a stable US-China relationship, but managing the” securitization” of the two countries’ economic ties should also be their top priority.

Since the Trump administration started the trade conflict in 2018, Beijing has accused Washington of exaggerating worries about the safety implications of their financial relations. It has been turned into a device conflict by Biden’s administration in an effort to impede Chinese advancement in cutting-edge technology.

In the name of regional security, Washington seems to” securitize” virtually every aspect of economic ties, from industry and technologies to purchase. Due to its Chinese ownership, TikTok, a platform for sharing little videos, is being scrutinized more closely. Security concerns have even been raised regarding Chinese-made energy buses operating in US cities.

Beijing portrays itself as the hurt party and insists that the US is solely to blame for the relationship’s problems.

Beijing’s assertion, however, is false, to put it mildly.

In response to Washington’s actions, Beijing is also active” securitizing” US-related trade and investment issues. This is consistent with Beijing’s significant transition away from growth and toward security. The most recent instances include unexpected and poorly explained raids and arrests involving Foxconn, a Taiwanese Apple provider, as well as some American agencies and other businesses.

Such behavior run counter to its stated objective of allowing more foreign investment and trade, which scares away US and international investors.

In other words, while US actions merely target and influence Chinese trade and assets, China’s actions are alarming traders all over the world. The Taiwanese government needs to review its safeguards urgently in order to revitalize an economy that has been severely impacted by three years of zero-COVID settings.

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Commentary: Concerns over China-backed high-speed railway do not derail Indonesia’s agency

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However, China was not the only nation to provide funding for this endeavor. The Jakarta – Bandung high-speed railway’s financing was initially a contest between China and Japan. A chance to enhance inter-city communication was suggested in the form of the Bandung-Javanese high-speed railway after Japan’s victory in addressing Jakartas population density problem by building the Jakarta Mass Rail Transit System during the 2000s.

Both China and Japan made a charge in 2015. The main factor in Japan’s rejection of the Chinese play was its emphasis on a payment guarantee from the Malaysian authorities, even though there were additional benefits, such as an offer of technology transfer. This demonstrates Indonesia’s efforts to uphold its reign.

Indonesia insisted it may demand the same of China after rejecting Japan’s play on these grounds. Beijing, but, responded harshly when Jakarta asked it to pay the budget surplus, putting a strain on the once-strong economic ties between Indonesia and China.

Chinese companies like Alibaba Cloud first showed interest in similar large infrastructure projects, such as Nusantara, the ambitious project by Indonesian President Joko Widodok to relocate the nation’s capital to East Kalimantan, but these projects ultimately fell through.

Firm IN SOUTHEAST Eastern COUNTRIES

However, the high-speed rail project has shown that Indonesia is determined to keep its agency in charge of such initiatives, as evidenced by the fact that it chose to cover the flooded costs out of its own budget. Despite the promise of significant equipment investments from China, there is a growing trend of nations in Southeast Asia following suit.

Related problems have been encountered with the Export-Import Bank of China-funded East Coast Rail Link in Malaysia. Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad renegotiated the project, which had been stalled since 2016 with an initial estimated price of$ 16 billion, to$ 11 billion and a favorable deal for Malay staff in order to make the investment between Malaysia and China more just.

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Commentary: Gibran’s VP run may be the biggest gamble for Prabowo – and outgoing Indonesian President Jokowi

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Mr. Jokowi’s camp seems to be aware of this: PSI recently launched a forceful” Jokowo – philosophy” campaign that prominently featured the names and faces of Mrs. Widod, Pangarep, and Raka on occasion. This highlights their efforts to capitalize on the priest’s recognition and win over voters.

A CAREFUL VICE PRESIDENT?

Even if the couple succeeds in overcoming these obstacles during the campaign, they may still encounter additional governance difficulties. Does the powerful PDI-P support Mr. Subianto’s alliance in his goals?

If this was merely a marriage of convenience, it’s also possible that Mr. Subianto was remove Mr Raka from his position as vice president, which has no real legal authority until appointed by the president.

His latest stance toward Mr. Jokowi could be viewed as one: After his defeat in 2019 and his appointment as defense minister in an effort to promote national unity following a contentious election that saw demonstrations against the results turn deadly, M. Subianto was appointed.

If the PSI, the group headed by Mr. Jokowi’s youngest brother, is unable to win seats in the House of Representatives, he might not have much of an impact. PSI currently lacks political representation because it received just 1.89 percent of the total nationwide vote in 2019, which is less than the 4 % required to allocate seats in the legislature.

The gap between Mr. Jokowi and PDI-P, the political party that first propelled him, his son, and son-in-law to their present positions, may also become unbridgeable.

Both Mr. Subianto and M. Jokowi may be seriously at risk if they decide to run for girlfriend and vice president alongside Raka.

At the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Made Supriatma is a visiting companion for the Indonesia Studies Program.

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Commentary: Tokyo’s Shibuya wants to cancel Halloween. That’s a mistake

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HOW HALLOWEEN TOOK OFF IN JAPAN

Halloween is a recent invention in this part of the world. When I first came to Japan more than 20 years ago, few had even heard of it; pumpkins were for eating, not for decorating. A parade at Tokyo Disneyland, started in 1997, is often credited with popularising the celebration, giving partiers a reason to dress up.

Around 2011, young people in costumes began to assemble in Shibuya in the hundreds, and then the thousands, as Halloween approached. While overseas it might be considered more of an event for kids, in Japan it became something for university students and other young people, who drank in the streets while stumbling from bar to bar.

Why it took off when it did is a matter of debate. Some cite the rise of Facebook and Twitter, which grew in popularity in the aftermath of the earthquake, tsunami and nuclear disaster of 2011 and the release of the movie The Social Network that same year. Others cite the Harajuku icon Kyary Pamyu Pamyu’s song Fashion Monster, released in 2012, whose music video features a Halloween party.  

Regardless, Shibuya was at the centre. And initially, authorities were on board: For several years in the mid-2010s, the city blocked off the main thoroughfare of Dogenzaka on multiple nights, freeing up the city centre to cosplaying pedestrians.

As a long-term resident of the area, there was something quite heartwarming about watching the event grow organically. Tokyoites don’t tend to interact much with strangers compared with, say, locals in Osaka; to see the one night a year when a group of costumed Super Marios could encounter a completely unfamiliar group of Luigis – and instantly become friends – was faintly magical. 

But as the number of attendees peaked pre-pandemic, Shibuya began to lose patience. Bad press circulated when a small truck was overturned in 2018; the media highlighted reports of sexual harassment and other assaults, though serious incidents were limited. 

Hasebe, the mayor, says the quality of the event has declined, even as the number of people increased to some 40,000 in 2019, with fewer attendees dressing up in costume, and more coming to gawk at (or ogle) those who did. That year, in an attempt to limit rambunctiousness, the city began asking stores to stop selling alcohol; drinking in the streets is perfectly legal in Japan, though Shibuya has passed a rather powerless local ordinance that limits it around Halloween and New Year’s Eve. 

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Commentary: Parents, don’t mistake dyslexia for a vision problem

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SUPPORT TO STAY IN MAINSTREAM SCHOOLS

With appropriate intervention and support, many can remain in mainstream education. Helping them cope might require teachers with appropriate training and other reasonable accommodations, such as assistive technology or extra time for examinations.

But since dyslexia is characterised by deficits in speech production, phonology education is crucial, said chartered educational psychologist Tan Cheng Yi. After-school interventional classes can help dyslexic individuals recognise language patterns and are customised for each child, according to language therapist Dr Choy.

There are varied programmes of instructions, several of which are influenced by the Orton-Gillingham approach developed in the 1930s, though studies are mixed as to their effectiveness. More high-quality, rigorous research with larger samples of students is needed to fully understand the effects of Orton-Gillingham interventions.

According to the Mayo Clinic, multi-sensory teaching – involving sight, sound, movement and touch – is considered the gold standard for teaching children with dyslexia to read. Educational psychologist Ms Tan suggested activities such as singing the alphabet to help children associate letters with sounds.

For those who cannot grasp phonics, she suggested using the whole-word approach. The approach teaches children to read by sight, by recognising and remembering the shapes of the entire words, rather than individual letters, and pair the words with images or sounds.

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Commentary: Can Thailand effectively balance its relations with China and the US?

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BLOOD IS THICKER THAN WATER?

China and Thailand have a long history of close economic ties, with diplomatic relations dating back to July 1975.

During Mr Srettha’s recent trip to China, Thailand signed a slew of bilateral agreements covering various sectors, including infrastructure, trade and cultural exchanges.

One of the key outcomes of the visit was the focus on green initiatives and high-speed rail projects.

Thailand’s commitment to environmental conservation is evident, and the country seeks Chinese investments to realise these goals. China’s experience in high-speed rail development makes it a valuable partner for Thailand’s ambitious rail projects.

The positive aspects of this close relationship with China are clear. Chinese investments in Thailand’s green initiatives can significantly speed up the country’s transition to a more sustainable and eco-friendly economy, reducing carbon emissions and preserving Thailand’s natural beauty and resources.

Furthermore, support for high-speed rail projects is crucial for enhancing Thailand’s infrastructure, connectivity and transportation network. Efficient rail systems can boost economic development, improve logistics and stimulate both domestic and international trade.

While China and Thailand may resemble brothers in the context of international diplomacy, siblings can sometimes have complex relationships. The strengthened partnership with China is not without its challenges.

Mr Srettha has made it clear that Thailand’s economy needs a significant boost to increase growth, alleviate household debt and improve livelihoods. The economy grew just 1.8 per cent in the second quarter from a year earlier, while household debt has risen to 90.6 per cent of gross domestic product.

China’s economy is also under pressure, with a range of challenges from a property crisis, high youth unemployment and US-China tensions over trade. Its own economic slowdown might hinder its ability to invest as robustly as anticipated. As China is one of Thailand’s major trade and investment partners, its economic health directly affects Thailand. A slowdown in China could have adverse effects on the Thai economy, leading to reduced exports and potentially impacting the livelihoods of the Thai people.

Additionally, Thailand’s closer alignment with China might raise concerns in the United States, a key ally and trading partner. The US is keen on maintaining its influence in the region, and Thailand’s growing ties with China could be viewed with suspicion. Managing this can be particularly challenging against the backdrop of strategic competition in US-China relations.

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Commentary: His son’s election run could tarnish Jokowi’s legacy

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On Monday, the Constitutional Court established a probe into the Oct 16 decision following seven petitions demanding an investigation. This will be conducted by an ethics council, consisting of a court justice and two outside legal authorities, which may not overturn the ruling but it could recommend dismissal of any justice for unethical behaviour.

On the same day, a civil society group TPDI reported Mr Jokowi, Mr Anwar Usman, Mr Raka, and Jokowi’s second son, Mr Kaesang Pangarep, to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) for alleged collusion and nepotism in the Constitutional Court’s Oct 16 ruling. Mr Pangarep, 27, chairs the Solidarity Party of Indonesia that engages young people, and the party has endorsed the Subianto-Raka ticket, making it a nine-party coalition.

Asked about the complaint against him, Mr Raka simply replied, “Let the KPK follow it up.”

But the apparent nonchalance could mask trouble for Mr Raka. His party, PDI-P, gave him the platform to become a city mayor. Mr Subianto, meantime, heads his own party, Gerindra. It is far from clear whether PDI-P and its influential chief in former president Megawati Sukarnoputri will be keen for any relationship – or whether Mr Raka will be regarded as disloyal.

On Thursday evening, a PDI-P official said Mr Raka’s membership “in de facto terms” ended with his registration as a candidate for another party. This could potentially split support for PDI-P’s own presidential hopeful, former Central Java governor Ganjar Pranowo.

There is a strong “ProJo” (pro-Jokowi) body of supporters that campaigned for Jokowi in 2014 and 2019 and have since vocally supported Mr Subianto. The third presidential candidate trailing behind Mr Subianto and Mr Pranowo in polling is past Jakarta governor Anies Baswedan.

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