Commentary: Trump’s defence chief pick cannot name a single ASEAN country – here’s why that’s worrying

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That conceivable lapse of knowledge might have been more forgiveable if Mr. Hegseth had only been able to respond to the next question. The US is a companion to several international categories, including ASEAN, the European Union, and the South American MERCOSUR. It would be useful, but not necessary, for a military secretary to keep up to day on their concerns and account.

Mr. Hegseth’s inability to name a second ASEAN nation was the more severe flub, even though the US has a military alliance that forces it to provide military support in a discord, such as the Philippines and Thailand. These two unresolved issues, combined, refute past assertions made by Mr. Trump’s first leadership that ASEAN is the “geographical center of the Indo-Pacific” for the US.

Was this a blunder on Mr Hegseth’s piece? According to his knowledge of global affairs, he was not chosen for the place of defense director.

By Mr Hegseth’s own entrance, his goal is to reestablish “warrior society” at the Defence Department as a former with “dust on his shoes”. During his opening speech, he did not mention China or the Indo-Pacific again, devoting his time to outlining his vision for a more “lethal” defense. He even made a few comments about how Mr. Trump could resolve the Middle East security issues and ending the Russia-Ukraine war in his responses.

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Commentary: Syria’s transition offers Malaysia PM Anwar a platform to expand influence

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A Exam OF DIPLOMATIC Knowledge

When it comes to politics, Malaysia is middle-power, and Anwar a medium-weight whose political skills have yet to materialise in something more than world travels and purchase claims. His leadership of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ( ASEAN ) will soon put his diplomatic acumen to the test.

Anwar has a sophisticated reputation that it has for a long time. His exit from the Islamic activity, especially after aligning with Mahathir Mohamad’s leadership in the 1980s, has left him estranged from certain sections of his liberal district. He was again a flamboyant student activist who co-founded the Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia in 1971.

Two years in jail for physical crime costs, which Anwar has long claimed were socially motivated, did, however, make the more traditionalists think they were betrayed.

By advocating for a new management structure that adheres to moderate Islamic principles, Anwar might have the chance to reclaim his place among the world’s and Malay Muslim communities.

Since taking office in November 2022, Anwar has made more than a few well-known visits to the Middle East. Critics claim that Anwar’s unusual focus has been offset by addressing pressing domestic issues, despite the increased political presence of Malaysia.

To address these concerns, Anwar had provide tangible benefits from his political activities. Building a positive relation with Syria’s emerging management is one way to do this.

In response to the resumption of Assad’s routine, the United States and the UN have already sent envoys to build ties with Syria’s fresh leadership. This suggests a change in political strategy.

However, while France and Germany’s foreign officials have also met Syria’s fresh leaders, Western countries remain optimistic about aligning very closely with Islamic factions previously labelled a terrorist organisation.

For Anwar, this offers an opportunity to support security in Syria while upholding a moderate Islamic tale. His historical ties to these actions, as well as his strong ties to Western powers, could make him a key point of contact, helping to bridge gaps while advocating for security and philanthropic issues in a politically divided region.

Also, Anwar’s potential partnership with Syria’s new authority could maintain value in the broader context of the continuous Gaza conflict. Establishing a military presence in the area could give him valuable utilize as Malaysia attempts to establish itself as a chief among Muslim-majority countries.

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Commentary: Chinese espionage creates a dilemma for Western countries

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FRIEND OR FOE?

China is too big a business to ignore, which is a problem for some nations, especially those in Europe that are struggling with sluggish economic growth and facing a potential hostile trade partnership with the US under Donald Trump.

Nevertheless, the price of doing business with China is often to belittle the impact operations, spying, dumping and other malicious activities that Beijing seems unwilling to dispense with.

From China’s point of view, the purpose of these activities is to learn more about and exert more control over nations in the West that are perceived as rivals or companies. London is a particularly attractive destination because it is a big business and global strength as well as a major defense force in its own right and a nearby ally to the United States.

In order to preserve economic ties, the UK may then decide whether to ignore China’s unprofessional behavior or to declare its status to China.

Undoubtedly, the state will decide whether to permit the construction of a new Chinese ambassador in west London on the site of the former Royal Mint, the producer of UK cash, despite local officials ‘ concerns.

If approved, it would be the largest diplomatic post in China and be more than a third the size of the South London innovative US embassies. The number of political staff members had greatly increase potential Chinese impact and espionage procedures in the UK.

If that is a cost the Starmer government is willing to pay, it remains to be seen. &nbsp,

Christian Le Miere, the founder and CEO of Arcipel, a London-based corporate consulting agency, is a unusual plan advisor.

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Commentary: In wake of US election, conditions are ripe for a more active ASEAN bloc

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CEMENTING ASEAN’S BARGAINING RESERVOIR

Although it is true that the US and China’s GDP differences will probably increase as they compete against the next big strength, smaller nations may have stronger bargaining positions. Places like Malaysia, Brazil, Turkey, Mexico, Indonesia and Botswana are rising upper-middle-income states with growing negotiation power and control.

Use financial strength, which is anchored in rationality and lodging, as ASEAN’s negotiations reservoir to demand for extended neutrality and resistance to picking sides.

This strategy, however, calls for a withdrawal from a silent non-alignment stance to one that is cautious, considered, and strategic neutrality. It is, therefore, appropriate for ASEAN to contemplate deepening economic inclusion, both internally and externally with another coalitions.

This might take a variety of forms, all of which are of economic nature and do n’t seek political integration like the EU model does. The most significant of these is the ASEAN Power Grid, which aims to integrate the power systems of member states and which has widely-accepted benefits ( decarbonisation, creating up to 9, 000 jobs annually ). Resolving the Laos-Thailand-Malaysia-Singapore pilot implementation grab is concern, as this would create regional-level planning skills. With this, discussions about grid system funding will also following, serving as a check for region-wide funding structures.

Another related meaningful financial integration is local infrastructure development, quite as highways and railways, that are supported by local funding mechanisms. Labour mobility might be a key component of ASEAN’s transformation from a dispersed company of various entities to a 650-million market in order for it to truly become a 650-million market. Instead of a complete free motion, which meets the stage of development of most part state, this could be focused on high-skilled skills.

On top of that, ASEAN could be used as a program for inter-regional teamwork with other big financial blocs, such as the BRICS, US, China, EU, MERCOSUR, African Union, and the Gulf Cooperation Council. ASEAN would be a leading advocate for business in the world, and this could lead to more important broad-based and/or regional free trade agreements or actions plans with investment areas.

Understandably, critics may say that ASEAN has not been an effective company specifically due to its non-interference approach, where member states may overlook local pressures and deal with business-as-usual. However, there are a few problems that favour traditional moves to combine.

One, configuration of leaders ‘ interests. Because nations compete to pass up or down the price ring, the leaders of the majority of member states place economic growth before other measures. Technology and renewable energy are also prominent topics on the leaders ‘ agenda of the member states. There is also a desire to prove themselves through a strong financial and investment effect, as the majority of the member states ‘ rulers were only appointed less than five years ago.

Next, trade protectionism is a worsening danger. Local economies typically form when exterior conditions are unbalanced, let alone in a trade-heavy area that has benefited from an open economy like ASEAN. In a peace, this openness to regional integration may not be as widely accepted.

Third, Malaysia Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim‘s legality of chairman in 2025. Anwar is a standout for his distinguished political past and foreign diplomacy because he is the second ASEAN leader to create trade relations with China in 1974 and has a stake in the South China Sea conflict. Anwar also has the opportunity to adopt a legacy-building steer by prioritizing substantive integration that has n’t previously been achieved as 2025 approaches the halfway point of his prime ministership.

The ASEAN’s return narrative has demonstrated how effective it is and has a wider impact on the world today. In order for ASEAN to become like the numerous facets of a rock, each separating in various ways but unified in the same light, the next decade needs more thought and proactivity.

James Chai is the creator of Sang Kancil ( Penguin Random House ), as well as a political scientist and blogger.

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Commentary: Tensions over Sikh separatist murder are another setback to Canada-India relationship

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At present, just four nations – the US, United Kingdom, Russia and France – have the capability to produce aircraft engines, with China also lacking this innovative technology. The GE F-414 collaboration aims to strengthen US-Indian defense cooperation and enhance their collective ability to combat China’s advancements in defense systems.

India likewise plays a key role in Canada’s Indo-Pacific plan, unveiled in 2022. In the standard document outlining the plan, Ottawa described China as a “disruptive energy” and emphasised the need to improve relations with Indo-Pacific countries, especially India.

The technique highlights” India’s growing proper, financial, and demographic significance” as key to achieving Canada’s geostrategic objectives. Canada and India are engaged in negotiations for a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement as part of this strategy. But due to the political conflicts sparked by Canada’s complaints, these discussions have been suspended.

THE WEST’S Displeasure

The Modi government may have figured out how to protect itself from criticism for its management of pro-Khalistan protesters worldwide given its strategic value to the West. However, the emphatic reply from both the US and Canada suggests then, with the West making it clear that such actions are intolerable, regardless of India’s strategic value.

India will likely continue to deny Canada’s complaints and sever diplomatic ties with the other country in a contentious debate that may affect every aspect of the bilateral relationship.

From Canada’s standpoint, American actions on American soil represent a blatant infraction of independence. Ottawa anticipates cooperation and assurances from India that such transnational repression wo n’t take place in the future. From India’s point of view, it’s a matter of national security problem as Canada appeases pro-Khalistan parts.

The Modi federal has usually had a positive impact on relationships with western nations, but the Sikh community in Canada has been a major drag in boosting relationships.

Without a common denominator to bring these contradictory viewpoints together, the relationship between the two nations is likely to continue to be disturbed despite wider geopolitical considerations that would otherwise lead to closer relations.

Thompson Rivers University’s Assistant Professor of Political Science is Saira Bano. This criticism first appeared on The Conversation.

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Commentary: US not walking the talk in Southeast Asia as Biden skips ASEAN Summit again

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ASEAN TAKES A Seat

Despite Southeast Asia being generally highlighted as a key foundation of the US Indo-Pacific plan, Washington ’s activities suggest that ASEAN continues to take a back in its broader political calculations.

An example is Biden’s decision to host the fourth Quad Leaders ’ Summit in his home in Delaware, alongside the prime ministers of Australia, Japan and India. This reflects the importance the US locations on security-oriented relationships such as the Quad and the multilateral security agreement between Australia, the United Kingdom and the US ( AUKUS). Next month’s Joint Leaders Statement marking AUKUS’ second celebration further underscores the US’ prioritisation of these unique, security-focused clusters over broader bilateral relationship with ASEAN.  

The US has furthermore strengthened multilateral participation in the region, mainly with like-minded partners. Significant examples include the multilateral conference with Japan and South Korea in Camp David last year and the annual conference with Japan and the Philippines held in Washington in April this time. These categories reflect the US’ broader plan of forging partnerships with partners that coincide with its strategic goals, mainly to counter China ’s expanding influence in the region.

While regional security issues, such as China ’s increasing confidence and growing dangers from North Korea, undoubtedly influence ASEAN places, the gathering as a whole remains largely sidelined in US’ security concerns despite being at the center of the Indo-Pacific.

Although the US often emphasises ASEAN importance in its speech, its actions typically reveal a preference for smaller, special groupings or diplomatic ties with like-minded countries and viewing ASEAN through the lens of its corporate competition with China. As a result, many in the region are wary of the potential consequences.

While the State of Southeast Asia 2024 report shows that Southeast Asians may view the Quad as beneficial to the region, there are lingering and ingrained fears that such minilaterals undermine the centrality of ASEAN.

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Commentary: New slate of leaders will grapple with contentious issues at Laos ASEAN summit

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A Mirror OF International Democratic POLARISATION

ASEAN has taken measures to isolate itself from conflict between its speech lovers. Until 2022, companions had consider issue-specific East Asia Summit claims. However, negotiation of these statements ( one of which was proposed by Russia in 2022 on the seemingly innocuous topic of volunteerism ) became too contentious.

Although it is still possible for the East Asia Summit to publish at least one simultaneously negotiated speech in 2024, it reflects the polarization in international politics that the discourse partners are no longer able to make their preferred language on global issues.

Because Laos is a weaker Asian part, some will already be looking to Malaysia’s chairman in 2025.

With his help for Hamas and a bias toward China’s posts on Taiwan and the South China Sea, Prime Minister Anwar has drawn global controversies. But the ASEAN chair’s control is often limited, so Anwar’s personal views did not alter the path of the organisation.

Vladimir Putin, the president of Russia, has already been invited to the 2025 ASEAN summits, which could give Moscow the chance to achieve complete proper companion status, which Australia, China, the United States, and Japan now possess ( South Korea will receive extensive proper partner status confirmed later this year ).

So the ASEAN show will travel to Laos and then resume. Real progress on pressing issues will be severely lacking. However, ASEAN’s convening power is perhaps more crucial than ever as the world environment becomes more contested and the scope for international consensus narrows.

Susannah Patton is the Lowy Institute’s Director of the Southeast Asia Program. This commentary first appeared on the Lowy Institute’s blog, The Interpreter.

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Commentary: Has Malaysia PM Anwar sold out over Ukraine?

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Basically, Russia had previously indicated that it supported Malaysia’s membership charge. However, Putin’s invitation to Anwar to the Kazan Summit gave its interests a new improve. The Malaysian prime minister said his presence did be” a major step toward our ultimate objective of joining the group.”

Malaysia’s participation at the summit of next month is unlikely to be granted instant membership because there is no initiation fee. But it is likely to be accorded the position of BRICS Partner, the antechamber for complete membership, possibly as early as 2025.

WESTERN RECORDS FOR GAZA AND UKRAINE

Anwar has changed his opinion of the Russia-Ukraine War because he has grown cynical about the West’s severe condemnation of Russia and its muffled response to Israel’s military activities in Gaza since Hamas ‘ invasion in October 2023.

Anwar has criticized the West, and particularly the United States, for no condemning Israel and continuing to provide the nation with weapons, as well as he has not only denounced Israel for the death of tens of thousands of Palestinians.

In Vladivostok, he not merely accused the West of being evil, but of applying double standards when it comes to Ukraine and Gaza. In comparison, he praised Russia for its approach over the issue and its long-standing assistance for Arab statehood.

Anwar’s sincere words of condolence are unquestionably true, but the Indonesian head has also made himself vulnerable to accusations of using double standards.

While he acknowledged that colonization was one of the factors of the Israel-Hamas issue and that Israel was responsible for the atrocities committed in Gaza, he made no mention of Russian imperialism in Ukraine and its war crimes committed in the nation’s occupied areas.

Anwar appears willing to overlook Russia’s crimes in Ukraine by seeking Moscow’s assistance for his political agenda in the World South and by highlighting the situation of the Palestinians in Gaza.

Ian Storey is a Senior Fellow at ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. This remark first appeared on the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute’s site, Fulcrum.

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Commentary: Beijing’s Baltic confession exposes undersea vulnerability

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Together with local partners, Australia may drive for stronger worldwide frameworks that can distinguish between these scenarios and hold the concerned parties responsible.

For Australia, the recent opening of the Cable Connectivity and Resilience Center, which invested an additional$ 18 million ( US$ 11.9 million ) over four years, is a commendable start, framed as a contribution to efforts by the Quad grouping in this area. But only this determination will be inadequate.

A detailed Indo-Pacific local cable protection framework, created in collaboration with partners in Southeast Asia and the Pacific, is required to protect undersea infrastructure from rising geopolitical threats.

The establishment of wire protection zones throughout the Indo-Pacific and additional steps should be included in this framework to safeguard the security of this crucial infrastructure. The lack of a sturdy wire protection program in Papua New Guinea or Solomon Islands, for example, underscores the intensity.

The Baltic Sea event may serve as a wake-up phone, not just for Europe, but for Australia and its Indo-Pacific lovers. The South China Sea’s proper uncertainty and the country’s heavy rely on underwater cables may spur efforts to address flaws in digital facilities safety frameworks.

It is not only about preventing injury, it’s about ensuring that when injury occurs, it is addressed quickly and accurately, with strenuous accountability enforced.

Cynthia Mehboob is a PhD Scholar at the Australian National University’s Department of International Relations. This remark first appeared on Lowy Institute’s blogging, The Interpreter.

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Commentary: Why is Indian PM Modi going to Russia?

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With Modi’s lack, Delhi is telling its Chinese participants that relationships are under extreme stress. The place for interaction between the two Asian neighbors is sparse unless the Chinese reverse their aggressive behavior in the  Himalayas. Unlike the BRICS, which even includes Russia, China, and India but has a stronger financial ring, the SCO has a different protection sentiment around it.

STRATEGY, NOT CHEAP OIL

Media reports&nbsp, suggest&nbsp, that Modi may attend Russia in the second week of July. This trip may rankle some Western observers. India’s order of low oil from Russia has been viewed as profiting from problems in the heart of Europe since the start of the conflict in Ukraine.

There is no denying that India’s unaltered position on Ukraine, along with US sanctions against Russia, has prompted Moscow to offer crude to India for less money. In urging for “dialogue and diplomacy” Delhi has consistently held an indifferent place on the Ukraine issue.

But this goes to plan, not cheap fuel. To quote Jaishankar, the reason for the period- tested security in India- Russia ties is to keep a continental&nbsp, balance&nbsp, in the European homeland. That is, to compromise China. When there are already two open fronts: China and Pakistan, do n’t go around making new adversaries.

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