Shooting oneself in the foot

Shooting oneself in the foot

The Move Forward Party (MFP) has had a series of setbacks of late, many of which were blamed on what some attributed to poorly screened election candidates.

The MFP’s resounding election victory may be the only positive it has enjoyed since the May 14 polls. The biggest party has gone downhill after it failed to garner enough votes in parliament to make its leader, Pita Limjaroenrat, prime minister.

However, a source reckoned the party’s regression predates the polls, which is taking its toll on the MFP’s credibility.

In fact, the source said the MFP fell short in conducting effective “quality control” on some of its members who went on to win party primaries, become election candidates and eventually capture House seats.

In a matter of weeks, at least three MPs, one shortly after another, found themselves in the crosshairs.

The party may have felt it was stabbed in the back by Seri Ruam Thai Party leader Pol Gen Sereepisuth Temeeyaves when he let slip in the middle of a live political talk programme that the MFP harboured an MP with a criminal past.

The identity of the MP in question was later revealed to be that of Nakhonchai Khunnarong, who represented Rayong. Seri Ruam Thai was one of eight parties in the pro-democracy bloc headed by the MFP, which tried in vain to put together a new government.

Pol Gen Sereepisuth, however, fell out with the MFP after it was seen as dragging its feet before handing over the right to form a government to Pheu Thai, the second largest party, following its failure to do so.

Mr Nakhonchai quit as an MP after admitting he had been convicted of theft and served 18 months in jail 24 years ago. However, his resignation has done little to contain the damage to the MFP’s image.

According to the Election Commission, Mr Nakhonchai’s background should have been checked thoroughly before he was accepted as a poll candidate, citing Section 98 of the constitution setting eligibility criteria that include a ban on those who have a criminal conviction.

If a candidate runs in a general election despite knowing they are ineligible, it constitutes an offence under the MP election law. They must also be held responsible for any costs incurred in holding a by-election to find their replacement.

Mr Nakhonchai’s crime harks back to October 1999 when he was 20 years old. He was partying with a group of friends when he found a woman’s wristwatch on a table, it was reported.

He was taking the watch to have it “examined” when the police showed up and arrested him and his friend, who later confessed to stealing the wristwatch. He denied any part in the theft.

However, at the police station, he said he unknowingly signed a confession. He was sentenced to three years in jail, but the sentence was cut in half due to his confession.

The second MFP politician whose conduct divided opinion was Chorayuth “Tonkla” Chaturapornprasit, MP for Bang Kholaem-Yannawa in Bangkok.

He was involved in an altercation at a Bangkok restaurant on the night of Aug 11. A video clip from CCTV was circulated on social media showing Mr Chorayuth in a confrontation with another man at the eatery in Ekamai.

The MP had stepped in to intervene as the man began to harass a woman sitting next to him. The man had visibly invaded her personal space and even placed his hand around her neck.

Mr Chorayuth can be seen brushing the man’s arm away from the woman, speaking to him and then being struck by him before the situation escalated. In the clip, the MP hit back at the man, who lost his balance and fell to the floor.

Mr Chorayuth this week said in a post on X (formerly Twitter) that he accepted any blame and apologised to the public. The MP insisted he was merely protecting the woman.

The woman also posted on her Facebook, saying she did not know who harassed her and who appeared drunk. The man hit Mr Chorayuth first, she said, adding that she thanked the MP for protecting her.

The incident drew mixed reactions from social media users, with one side commending the MP for coming to the woman’s aid. Others, however, felt that as an MP, he was expected to exhibit restraint and find a way to avoid a violent confrontation. They also asked whether the MP was still drinking even though it was believed to be past closing time.

The third MFP lawmaker in the spotlight was Deputy House speaker Padipat Suntiphada after a video clip of him drinking a craft beer raised a few eyebrows on social media.

Mr Padipat, an MP for Phitsanulok, is already the subject of an ethics petition lodged against him by activist Srisuwan Janya who also complained to the Office of Alcohol Control Committee under the Department of Disease Control.

Mr Srisuwan said the law bars politicians from committing any act intended to persuade people to drink alcohol by either overt or covert means. The offence is punishable by up to a year imprisonment, a maximum fine of 500,000 baht or both.

Mr Padipat said the ban on the advertising of craft beers had deterred local brewers from putting out word about their products. He denied he advertised the beer commercially and said it was an expression of cultural pride for a local product.

But Boonyu Khorpornprasert, a member of the sub-committee amending the Alcohol Control Act, said Mr Padipat has clearly tried to persuade people to consume alcohol via the clip. “If he disagrees with the act, he should push for the law to be amended. But in the meantime, he must obey it as it is,” he said.

Unlikely bedfellows?

Since parliament endorsed a new prime minister from Pheu Thai and ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra’s return from self-imposed exile, all the chatter has been about two former adversaries mending ties.

The outcome of the May 14 election was a big disappointment for Pheu Thai, which sought to score a landslide victory to return to power. The party came second behind the Move Forward Party (MFP), which had the mandate to form a coalition first.

The poll result did not bode well for outgoing prime minister Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha, who wanted to complete what was left of the eight-year limit on his premiership with the United Thai Nation (UTN) Party. The party won only 36 House seats and decided not to compete with Pheu Thai for the prime ministerial job.

Pheu Thai stayed out of it until MFP leader Pita Limjaroenrat’s second attempt to become prime minister failed. It broke away from the MFP-led bloc to forge a new alliance with the so-called conservative parties, including the Bhumjaithai Party, the UTN and the Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP).

By the time the UTN joined the Pheu Thai-led coalition, Gen Prayut had already announced his retirement from politics, giving Pheu Thai the excuse to team with the UTN and consolidate its government-forming effort.

So, Thaksin’s homecoming to face jail time that coincided with Pheu Thai’s rise to power with support from its arch-rivals spurred talk about Thaksin and Gen Prayut forging a pact to end the hostility between Thaksin supporters and the military that removed him in the 2006 coup.

According to observers, what happened — the allocation of cabinet seats and Thaksin’s very brief stay at Bangkok Remand Prison before reportedly being moved to the Police Hospital — suggested the agreement must have ensured pro-military parties would stay on in power and Thaksin would avoid the worst jail has to offer after his return.

Gen Prayut was expected to exit politics happy because the UTN, his political vessel, secured four key cabinet seats in the government.

But the same thing could not be said for PPRP leader Prawit Wongsuwon who has disappeared from the political scene since the prime minister vote. Gen Prawit did not even attend the vote in parliament on Aug 22.

It was rumoured the PPRP leader tried to block Srettha Thavisin, Pheu Thai’s prime ministerial candidate, from being elected and approached Gen Prayut for assistance in carrying out a sabotage plan on the eve of the vote.

It was an open secret that Gen Prawit longed to be prime minister. If the two generals colluded, they could easily prevent the Pheu Thai candidate from getting the top job due to their influence over the 250-member Senate.

It was unlikely that Pheu Thai would put forth Paetongtarn Shinawatra — Thaksin’s daughter and another of its three PM candidates — because of the political situation where Pheu Thai’s popularity was sliding.

It was assumed Gen Prawit would be nominated if Pheu Thai failed to make the cut as a ruling party, although that would involve him leading a minority and hugely unstable government.

Gen Prayut was reportedly not interested in the alleged scheme because the UTN had top-grade ministries in its pocket, including the energy portfolio that could help the party raise its political profile.

It was also believed key PPRP figures could not care less about Gen Prawit’s political ambitions, and it would suit their interests if the PPRP joined the Pheu Thai-led government.

PPRP secretary-general, Capt Thamanat Prompow, who is Gen Prawit’s right-hand man, was said to have secured the agriculture minister post and a deputy commerce minister post for his aide, Phai Lik.

Another PPRP figure, Santi Promphat, was said to be jockeying for a post through the Shinawatra family and was tipped to become a deputy public health minister. Mr Santi used to be a Pheu Thai member.

Even Pol Gen Patcharawat Wongsuwon, who was tipped to be deputy prime minister and natural resources and environment minister, did not see eye to eye with Gen Prawit, his brother. Pol Gen Patcharawat believed it was best for Gen Prawit to step aside, according to a source close to the matter.

According to observers, although Gen Prawit is widely respected by PPRP members, he could not count on them to achieve his aim, and it was the senators who represented his interests. As it turned out, senators close to Gen Prawit abstained in the PM vote while PPRP MPs fully backed Mr Srettha.

Following Mr Srettha’s appointment, Gen Prawit is expected to fade away from the political scene and let Pol Gen Patcharawat, who was recently made the party’s chief policy adviser, take over.

“Gen Prawit’s political clout will remain, but now that Thaksin has returned, he will be overshadowed,” said one observer.