Refusing to dissipate ahead
Since the leadership changed on August 9 last year, the People’s Party ( PP ) has emerged from relative obscurity.
The primary opposition group has strong arguments for trying to retake control of the party. First of all, it is in a race against time to make last-ditch efforts to woo voters ahead of the Provincial Administrative Organization ( PAO ) chairman polls in 47 provinces on February 1.
The group is attempting to increase voter assistance in local elections by winning no elections in 29 other provinces where elections have taken place so much. This is essential to a general election defeat.
The PP badly needs to be accessible through inter-personal connections, which merely strong canvassing can provide. Given that some upcountry voters are not used to smartphones, the party is aware that increasing its report on social media alone is not a successful formula.
In various districts, the celebration has “localised” guidelines to get voters, such as finances redistribution to provide PAOs financial freedom and revamping public utilities.
Critics claim that the PP recognizes that local needs and wants do not align with regional problems. For instance, constitutional modifications, which the PP has put at the top of its mission on federal problems, are far too complicated to understand and, consequently, rank lower in terms of importance in the eyes of some PAO voters.
According to a social analyst, the PP may broaden its support foundation in areas dominated by strong political families in the provinces in order to perform well in the PAO general elections.
These clans have grown in power primarily as a result of the support system, which allows politicians to accept credit for local government projects and to assist the less fortunate.
Although this method is losing popularity with younger voters, it is still used by people who grew up in countries where politicians would leave wreaths at funerals and distribute money to pay for the burning costs.
The PP is aware that it must face off against Thaksin Shinawatra, the de facto leader of the decision Pheu Thai Party, who has capitalized on support and is working overtime to revive it in the party’s favor in the upcoming PAO general elections in February.
According to a National Institute of Development Administration ( Nida ) poll released last month, the odds may now be in the PP as leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut topped the list of politicians who people would prefer to be prime minister.
The poll, which was conducted from December 19 through December 24 among 2, 000 people across the country, was part of its monthly survey on officials ‘ and party approval ratings.
In light of Mr. Natthaphong’s political rules and his familiarity with younger voters, almost 30 % of respondents chose him as their preferred candidate for the championship.
Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, who was preferred by 29 % of the interviewees, placed next, citing both her background in business and the contemporary view she brings with her to the job.
According to respondents, 14.4 % of respondents said they were unsure, putting the group in third place total, behind Deputy Prime Minister and Energy Minister Pirapan Salirathavibhaga, who the respondents viewed as a knowledgeable and friendly legal professional.
In the previous Nida poll, conducted from Sept 16-23, 31.3 % of respondents favoured Ms Paetongtarn, 23.5 % were undecided and 23 % chose Mr Natthaphong.
The PP faces a number of obstacles as they approach the upcoming general election in less than three decades, including the most difficult one coming this time.
The trouble began on Aug 7 last year when the Constitutional Court dissolved the Move Forward Party ( MFP), the PP’s predecessor, and banned 11 of its leaders from politics for 10 years. This occurred after they were accused of performing engineering feats to try to update the court’s ruling that the judge thought were contrary to the constitutional monarchy. Two days later, the PP was established.
However, the dissolution gave lawyer Teerayut Suwankesorn the opportunity to ask the National Anti-Corruption Commission ( NACC ) to look into former MFP leader Pita Limjaroenrat and 44 MFP lawmakers who had initiated a bid to amend the lese majeste law. This, according to Mr Teerayut, constituted a significant violation of the MP code of ethics.
Since then, the Supreme Court’s Criminal Division has charged the 44 Members with holding social opportunities. If found guilty, they will experience a required life restrictions from politics.
Mr Natthaphong, however, puts the constitutional squeeze involving the PP MPs down to distorted rules that allow an independent company, understood to be the NACC, to be used as a social device to destroy a party.
He argued that the 44 MPs ‘ actions are a sign of the poor health and uncertain future Thai politics is facing.
Even if the MPs, who have all relocated to the PP, were ultimately found guilty by the Supreme Court, the PP would still have plenty of skilled labor to carry on its efforts and strengthen itself.
The party leader said,” The PP is willing and fully able to soldier on as long as the people are behind us,” regardless of a purge.
A major political gamble
Just four months into its term, the Paetongtarn Shinawatra administration has approved, in principle, a bill that would legalise casinos as part of entertainment complexes, thereby sparking a controversy.
Thaksin: Taking pressure off daughter
The casino-entertainment complex project was not one of the ruling Pheu Thai Party’s campaign pledges ahead of the 2023 general election, which is catching the attention of the public.
Despite the quick action, some observers believe there may be a big business interest behind the speculating.
The government is moving quickly on the casino-entertainment complex project, according to Olarn Thinbangtieo, a political science lecturer at Burapha University in Chon Buri, which shows that it prioritizes investors. Following former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra’s return from self-imposed exile, the project has gained momentum and received support from the business sector, he said.
According to Mr. Olarn, the project is thought to be heavily pushed because Pheu Thai is attempting to gain support ahead of the upcoming general election. Although it has already won numerous Provincial Administrative Organization ( PAO ) chairman elections, it may not be enough to guarantee a seat in the upcoming general election in 2027.
Thaksin, Pheu Thai’s de facto leader, has been hitting the campaign trail to support Pheu Thai candidates in PAO chairman elections, taking place nationwide on Feb 1. However, the party’s popularity appears to be falling short of expectations, said Mr Olarn.
” Thaksin knows this strategy will not be enough to win the next election,” he said.” Many Pheu Thai victories were attributable to the networking and connections of political canvassers,” he said.
According to Mr. Olarn, the ruling party needs to find new sources of funding to entice as many MPs to vote in the upcoming elections under the party’s banner.
” If Thaksin sees this project as a way to attract financial backers, he knows he must act quickly while the party has full power to run the government,” he said.
The analyst speculated that Thaksin might prefer to turn himself into a passive target of the negative press in an effort to divert harsh remarks about the policy from Ms. Paetongtarn’s daughter and give the ruling party some breathing room.
” Thaskin will continue to push this plan even more forcefully and concentrate solely on himself, not his beloved daughter.” It’s a better choice than to leave the prime minister alone.
” The party’s key figures have already lost all credibility, so Thaksin has to take all the criticism himself,” said Mr Olarn.
Critics claim that the country is taking a risk due to lax law enforcement.
Weak enforcement of laws could lead to a proliferation of problems such as money laundering, crime and drug-related offences. These dangers could far exceed the economic benefits that were promised, leading to the country’s deepest social decline.
Supporters of the initiative, however, claim that entertainment complexes will be a big win for the country and attract up to 500 billion baht in foreign investment, boost tourism revenue, and create at least 20, 000 jobs per complex.
Thailand lags behind neighboring nations in particular, despite the fact that the idea of allowing casinos to operate legally inside entertainment complexes being discussed during the Thai Rak Thai administration long before Singapore’s first complex was unveiled.
According to Thaksin, an estimated 2.5 to 4 million Thais are involved in illegal online gambling. ” Giving gambling” above ground” could allow the government to properly regulate the industry and make tax revenue from the business.
Thaksin added that the majority of casino entertainment programs support related industries.
These complexes will be similar to the ones in Las Vegas, which also house sports stadiums, conference halls, water parks and even an ice rink.
Mr Olarn said if the Pheu Thai-led government prioritises this policy, it should be transparent rather than” sneaky” about it, he said, apparently referring to the inclusion of casinos in the complexes.
The project should be subject to a referendum because, according to the analyst, it is a very divisive issue that needs public opinion.
Thaksin said last weekend, however, that a referendum is unnecessary.
” No. Not necessary,” Thaksin said, responding to the referendum suggestion by critics, including Democrat Party list MP Jurin Laksanawisit.
This week, Pakorn Nilprapunt, secretary-general of the Council of State, the government’s legal adviser, said the bill needs no referendum because the policy has already been approved by parliament.
According to Mr. Pakorn, the Council has 50 days to finish examining the entertainment complex bill before sending it to the House.