Drumming up old support

If there are enough red jerseys left, former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra will work hard to regain aid from them.

According to observers, Thaksin, now on parole, has been touring former red-shirt United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship ( UDD ) strongholds in Chiang Mai, Nonthaburi, Nakhon Ratchasima, and Pathum Thani.

His trips saw conferences with political royal “houses”, who were power agents for the dark tops, at ceremonies and parties.

Although the settings may have been casual, Thaksin’s main motivation was actually serious.

After being defeated by the Move Forward Party as the country’s main army and largest party in the previous year’s general election, the judgement Pheu Thai Party is determined to regain its hold on power in politics.

Although Thaksin denies having any affiliation with Pheu Thai because he is not a member, his provincial journeys were clearly planned to shore up the party’s growing support, which Thakin founded before it was disbanded by the Constitutional Court for political scams in May 2007.

The tours are primarily used as a way to communicate with the red jerseys responsible for Pheu Thai’s resounding defeat in the party’s 265 out of 500 seat success in the July 2011 common election.

The Abhisit Vejjajiva administration’s red shirts, however, were mistaken for “revenge” for using the military to put an end to their long street protests in Bangkok’s business heart.

Mr Abhisit led the Democrat Party, which came next in the 2011 surveys with 159 Members, six less than in the previous election.

The red tops were again hardcore followers of Pheu Thai, which endured a long absence from state during the nine-year principle of Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha’s management.

Observers concur that the UDD’s help center would eventually wane as the political party did.

During the Prayut government, which was led by the National Council for Peace and Order, the UDD was in danger of disintegrating as a powerful political power.

Pheu Thai was denied the opportunity to regroup and re-establish relations with the red jerseys because the Prayut management had a significant influence over the country’s internal operations.

The anti-junta pro-democracy motion, which posed a clear challenge to the status quo, was also undergoing a swift paradigm shift at the same time. The Rassadorn group’s initiative, which was spearheaded by youth-led protests, quickly spread to college students and other sub-groups of the people who had previously been unaware of the politics and government’s operations.

According to a source, the movement found a close ally, the Future Forward Party, which was later overturned into the Move Forward Party ( MFP ) after receiving an illegal loan.

Even though several UDD luminaries were spotted at numerous Rassadorn-organized protests against the Prayut leadership, the red jerseys had already struggled without significant help from Pheu Thai.

Additionally, the source claimed that despite main UDD members supporting the youth-led action, they were viewed as mere “auxiliaries” to the Rassadorn trigger and not engaging in campaigning to advance their own social agenda, which would have acted as a springboard for the UDD to regain its influence.

The source claimed that the UDD was becoming less important as the negative situation was becoming more and more apparent.

In light of this, Thaksin has officially launched his UDD revitalization plan. But, reviving the red shirts may prove a fruitless training, according to UDD director Tida Tawornseth.

There is little chance, according to Ms. Tida, who recently spoke on a political talk show that Thaksin would resurrect the UDD as fierce power as it once was.

She claimed that some UDD members switched from wearing orange, the MFP’s color, after hanging up their dark shirts.

Ms Tida said it was a case of again bitten and half shy, and it was all Thaksin’s doing. While serving in self-imposed exile, the former premier announced that if a military coup were to be held, he would soon flee to direct red-shirt protesters against the revolution leaders, which disenchanted some UDD supporters.

At a large rally held in Bangkok to support the Yingluck Shinawatra government, which was under severe pressure to step down in 2013-2014 due to a sweeping amnesty being pushed through the legislature, his statement was relayed to UDD protesters. Thaksin reportedly benefited from this, ensuring his profit without having to face prosecution.

Ms. Tida added that Pheu Thai’s decision to drop the MFP in favor of forming a partnership government with the traditional functions that were once a part of the Prayut administration appeared to be the last straw for the dark shirts.

According to Ms. Tida, this was seen as breaking a promise made to the MFP, Pheu Thai’s closest pro-democracy alliance. For this, Pheu Thai was unable to be pardonned by some red shirts who, in their opinion, share the same pro-democracy philosophy as the MFP and its backers.

Lawmakers have the ability to serve.

The three-week process, which included the senators ‘ choice in three voting rounds, saw the senators ‘ representatives from their own candidates who had entered 20 profession categories, make up the Senate election unlike any other.

The individuals were not required to hold a level, but they had to be over 40 years old, had at least ten years of field experience, and be related to the city they applied to work.

The organic law governing the process could be in violation of the charter, and the rules left candidates unsure about whether they could campaign for votes.

Additionally, there were numerous allegations of attempts to fix the vote, and the caretaker Senate earlier this week authorized the creation of a special 23-member panel to investigate election irregularities.

The election commission (EC ) had a polarized opinion regarding whether to support the outcome while conducting an investigation or to support only those who did n’t face complaints.

Many senators-elect, including Nantana Nantavaropas, who represents the media professional group, could not wait to see the back of the junta-appointed senators who had assumed a caretaker role for two months.

She was quoted as saying,” The incoming Senate had better refrain from playing any significant role while the nation was awaiting a new Senate.”

Her remark was thought to have prompted a retort from one of her soon-to-be predecessors, Kittisak Rattanawaraha, who spoke in parliament on Monday, two days before the Senate poll results were certified by the EC.

Senators are not formally recognized as having taken office until their election is approved by the EC, which is followed by their royal endorsement and publication in the Royal Gazette, according to Mr. Kittisak, without naming names.

Could a new senator who riled others and overstepped the mark learn to hold their tongues right away, please? he said.

The law mandates that the retiring senators serve until the new senators take office, but their term ended on May 10.

The EC was caught in the middle of it, and it took the EC two full weeks to complete the process before Wednesday’s election results were announced.

The polling place must wait five days before releasing results, the law only requires that they be certified. On July 2, the new senators were scheduled to be elected.

Ittiporn Boonpracong, the EC chairman, said a deferral was necessary to make sure the organization addressed all the concerns so that the election was fair, clean, and legal.

Thanaporn Sriyakul, director of the Political and Public Policy Analysis Institute, was eager to see the EC’s decision to support all the winners and the substitutes this week because the majority of the complaints concerned candidates ‘ qualifications.

About 70 % of the applicants ‘ backgrounds were impacted by alleged election fraud, while less than 10 % were allegedly caused by election fraud. Moreover, all the fraud-related complaints filed in court were thrown out due to lack of evidence.

In his opinion, election fraud, particularly those claiming collusion to rig the vote, was difficult to prove, and the complainants frequently were unable to provide proof as to who paid the money.

Following the general election last year, the EC disqualified only two MPs, despite numerous complaints.

” It is no different from allegations]of vote buying ] in the general election. It is hard to find evidence to back the charges and hold the cheaters accountable”, he said.

The best course of action for the EC was to first endorse the winners when the majority of complaints concerned a candidate’s eligibility. According to the analyst, this is because the law permits the EC to do so when there is compelling evidence and the action does not render the election process invalid.

Mr. Thanaporn questioned whether some of the new senators were adequately trained to carry out their duties, noting that some people have only a basic education.

He added that their ability or judgment should n’t be based on their educational backgrounds. He made the point that a number of MPs in the past did not have a formal education but nevertheless demonstrated their aptitude for the job.

” There’s no need to get all worked up about the education of farmers, drivers or vendors.

” If you ca n’t prove they cheated their way in, what can you do? At this point, it’s anybody’s guess if they can do better or worse than their predecessors, “he said.

Earlier, Somsak Prissananantakul, a Bhumjaithai Party member, also urged the public not to berate the senators-elect over their educational background. He claimed that the law was intended to give candidates from ordinary backgrounds the same chance as candidates from more underprivileged backgrounds.