Comical confrontation

Comical confrontation

The past several weeks have been some of the most eventful and eagerly anticipated in the country’s history with regard to government formation.

Sharp-witted quips have accompanied the repartees of political commentators looking to deliver a more punchy line to satirise the fight that pitted the Move Forward Party (MFP) against Pheu Thai for the two most coveted posts — the House speaker and prime minister — than seasoned politicians in the form of Pheu Thai list MP, Adisorn Piangket and Jatuporn Prompan, former chairman of the red-shirt United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD).

On the surface, the MFP and Pheu Thai came across as the nucleus of a close-knit, so-called pro-democracy alliance. They had managed to side-step direct confrontation over the House speaker role early this month, although it was only a matter of time before cracks in their relationship manifested, according to a source.

Both had refused to budge in pushing their demands for the House speaker role before reaching a compromise to install Wan Muhamad Noor Matha, former leader of the Prachachat Party, instead.

The unspoken adversarial relationship between the MFP and Pheu Thai was quietly being played out and exposed by some noted critics who had a field day mocking their political predicament.

When the MFP pushed the envelope, unyielding in its claim on both the House speaker and prime minister roles, it raised the ire of some in Pheu Thai, including Mr Adisorn.

A TikTok luminary, Mr Adisorn lost no time firing a salvo at the MFP for trying to bite off more than it could chew by insisting that its demand for the two most coveted posts was both non-negotiable and righteous.

Mr Adisorn attacked the MFP for staking a claim to all winning lottery prizes despite having only bought a single lottery ticket.

He argued that the 151-MP MFP was bigger than Pheu Thai by a mere 10 seats, and yet the party wanted it all. A friendship, according to Mr Adisorn, can only thrive when both sides learn to compromise.

It was clear as day that the MFP had its eyes fixed on the prime minister post, and so it should have stepped away from the House speaker role in the beginning, according to Mr Adisorn.

Instead, the MFP refused to back down, saying it needed a House speaker from its own ranks to push its legislative agenda in parliament. That agenda was understood to include the party’s highly controversial plan to amend the lese majeste law.

At the same time, the House speaker battle painted Pheu Thai in a rather negative light in the eyes of red-shirt figure Mr Jatuporn.

Some stalwarts in Pheu Thai believed the MFP had a limited pool of candidates suited for the role. To them, the speaker must be of high calibre and with experience under their belt.

Pheu Thai claimed it had a long list of members who were a perfect fit for the job.

Mr Jatuporn was quick to take a swipe at Pheu Thai, a party he had an irreconcilable fallout with over what he called its unforgivable betrayal of red-shirt supporters’ trust in the aftermath of the UDD mass protests to defend the party in 2010.

He accused the party of sitting idly by while watching UDD supporters go to jail in connection with the protests.

Mr Jatuporn said during a talk programme that it was comical that Pheu Thai was alluding to the MFP as a party full of “novice monks”, who did not measure up for the House speaker role.

He suggested Pheu Thai look in the mirror to see who was unable to practise what they preach.

According to Mr Jatuporn, the party roped in a “novice nun” to be its head, apparently referring to 36-year-old Paetongtarn Shinawatra, who despite her lack of active political experience, was installed as Head of the so-called Pheu Thai Family, a position thought to have been invented exclusively for her and which is equivalent to being a party leader.

Ms Paetongtarn is the youngest daughter of fugitive premier Thaksin Shinawatra who is still deeply respected by the party.

Mr Jatuporn went on to describe Pheu Thai as the “older woman” trying to attract a “a younger man”, a reference to the MFP, which is run by a much younger crop of politicians.

However, Mr Jatuporn said the “older woman” was going through her menopause with episodes of hot flushes that explained her unpredictable behaviour.

The UDD leader pointed to Pheu Thai’s frequent stance switches, from affirming it had the right to the House speakership to then declaring the biggest party should have the role, only to return to its original demand a few days later after protests from within the party and its supporters.

In the end, both the MFP and Pheu Thai Party, in a gesture of concession, agreed that Mr Wan should take the job to avoid further clashes.

Mr Wan was elected House speaker on July 4 and has since quit as leader of the Prachachat Party.

Earlier, in the first sign of cracks in the MFP-Pheu Thai alliance, Pheu Thai leader Dr Cholnan Srikaew said his party was trapped in an arranged marriage it could not get out of. He said expectations from pro-democracy camp supporters — for the two parties to stick together and successfully produce a government together — were too high to be dashed.

‘Brat pack’ tests ties

Life as the election winner is not a barrel of laughs for the Move Forward Party (MFP), and given a series of events in the past week, the party could even end up in the opposition camp, according to observers.

The party is unpopular with the military-appointed Senate due to its highly controversial policy to amend the lese majeste law. Its leader, Pita Limjaroenrat, faces scrutiny for allegedly running for a House seat despite being aware he was not eligible to do so.

As widely speculated, when the crucial day came on July 13, Mr Pita failed to secure enough support to become prime minister. Although the eight prospective coalition partners showed solidarity, he had only 324 votes, 52 short of the 375 required to become the country’s 30th prime minister.

Knowing they would be fighting another losing battle unless the MFP backed down on the lese majeste issue, the MFP-led bloc, however, agreed to renominate Mr Pita for the second round of voting on Wednesday.

But, the plan was thwarted when parliament said Mr Pita’s renomination was against House regulations and blocked the second bid.

As Mr Pita was the MFP’s sole prime ministerial candidate, its chances of leading the next government are believed to have evaporated. To rub salt in the wound, the charter court suspended Mr Pita as an MP the same day, pending its ruling on his parliamentary status over the iTV shareholding saga.

The MFP’s main ally, the Pheu Thai Party, is now in pole position to take the lead in forming the government. The question is whether Pheu Thai will stick with the current alliance or cobble together a new one without the MFP.

Several analysts believe that as long as the MFP remains in the coalition, Pheu Thai’s prime ministerial candidate is unlikely to secure support from parliament. The MFP has also initiated a charter amendment proposal seeking to strip the Senate of its power to co-select the premier, giving the Senate another excuse not to vote for a bloc candidate.

The MFP’s setbacks come at a time when several Pheu Thai heavyweights are said to be losing patience with MFP politicians and playing second fiddle.

Pheu Thai, the election runner-up with 141 House seats, has a better chance of setting up a government, but it has exercised goodwill toward the MFP following the election result. It is also bound by a memorandum of understanding to support the MFP’s bid for power.

However, there has been a fair amount of frustration among those in Pheu Thai’s ranks tasked with negotiating with prospective coalition partners and following through with their agreement.

According to a Pheu Thai source, many party figures have had to put up with the attitude of young MFP politicians over the past two months, and their patience is wearing thin.

These MFP figures apparently have no respect, no care for seniority and no understanding of how political bargaining works. They refuse to acknowledge that their partners have political obligations to fulfil and have to answer to their supporters too.

“They are like spoiled children. They must have their way, and they don’t trust others,” said the Pheu Thai source who cited negotiations over the House speaker post as an example.

After locking horns for weeks, both parties decided to give the job to Wan Muhamad Noor Matha, then leader of the Prachachat Party, to end the stalemate and keep the coalition’s formation moving forward.

But while it was agreed that the matter of the House speaker was limited to three parties, a core MFP figure proceeded to hold a press conference to try and make it the affair of all eight parties.

According to the source, considering the way the MFP treats Pheu Thai, it is hard to imagine how these young politicians will deal with senior state officials of high calibre and decades of experience if it has the chance to run government ministries.

Besides a lack of knowledge and experience, MFP politicians do not have the political adeptness needed to win the trust and support of state agencies in policy implementation, and the MFP may not be fit to lead a government and be put in charge of key ministries, said the source.

Parting ways with the MFP is deemed the most viable option for Pheu Thai, according to the source.

“Although it won’t be easy for us to work because the MFP has proven to be a strong opposition party, we have an obligation to the 11 million people who voted for us,” said the source.