China and SpaceX envision reaching Mars in different ways – Asia Times

While Chinese researchers vowed to return Mars ‘ rock samples to Earth in 2028 and 2031 with two autonomous cars, American scientists announced that they would launch an unmanned spacecraft to the Red Planet in 2026 and a crewed one in 2028. &nbsp,

In 2028, the China National Space Administration ( CNSA ) intends to launch its Tianwen-3 mission using two launches in 2028, with the goal of retrieving 500 grams of Mars rock samples and looking for signs of planet life. &nbsp,

In the Tianwen 3 plan, the lander or sample collector ( landing-ascending combination ) and deliverer or return module (orbiter-returner combination ) will be launched to Mars separately, Liu Jizhong, director of the Lunar Exploration and Space Program Center of CNSA, said at at the 2nd International Deep Space Exploration Conference in Anhui on September 5.

Foreign area engineers may have to deal with pressing issues like celestial protection, taking off from the Red Planet, encounter on the Martian surface, and collecting examples on the Martian surface, he said. &nbsp,

Some advertising, including the South China Morning Post, said the release of the Tianwen-3 mission to Mars in 2028 is two years earlier than originally planned. &nbsp,

Sun Zezhou, the main designer of the Tianwen-1 mission, had previously stated in April of last year that the earliest time for China to build space rockets to Mars for a random mission had been 2028, with the mission likely to require two rocket launches.

Sun had even at that topic elaborated on the project’s 13 actions, which will be executed through practices such as in-situ and remote-sensing alerts.

Although Liu’s latest talk did not contain new knowledge, it showed that Beijing’s Mars-sampling project remains on track. Earth and Mars fit every 26 weeks, making possible a journey between the two moons within&nbsp, 259 time or eight-and-a-half times.

In an X article on September 7 following Liu’s talk, SpaceX CEO Elon Musk announced in an X post that the first of his company’s uncrewed Starships would be launched in 2026 when the next window opened. &nbsp, &nbsp,

” These will not be reconstructed to assess the likelihood of leaving Mars alive.” The initial manned planes to Mars will be in four decades, according to Musk, if those flights go also. &nbsp,

With the intention of creating a self-sustaining town in about 20 years, he added, the airfare price will increase rapidly there. &nbsp,

” Being multiplanetary may significantly increase the possible duration of awareness, as we will no more have all our egg, literally and physiologically, on one planet”, he says. &nbsp, &nbsp,

According to Musk in another article,” It now costs about a billion dollars per lot of important payload to the surface of Mars.” ” That needs to be improved to US$ 100, 000 per lot to create a self-sustaining city it, so the systems needs to be 10, 000 days better. Really hard, but not difficult”.

China’s Long March-5

To land on Mars and collect the stone tests, CNSA and SpaceX may utilize various approaches. &nbsp,

In July 2020, China launched Zhurong, a 240-kilogram vehicle, to Mars with a Long March-5 spacecraft. On May 14, 2021, the vehicle safely made its way to Mars. It stayed engaged for 358 times, exceeding the designed duration of 93 time. &nbsp,

The Long March 5 is nicknamed” Large Five” as it looks large with eight YF-100 and two YF-77 machines, all of which have a combined force of 10, 636 kN. It can carry 14.5 tons into geostationary transfer orbit ( GTO ) and 25 tons into low Earth orbit. &nbsp, &nbsp,

The YF-100 originated from the Soviet Union’s RD-120, which was produced in Ukraine several years earlier. In the 1990s, China seized Ukraine’s vehicles and expertise. &nbsp,

The CNSA you just launch its Mars rover with a Long March-5 in 2028 because the more prominent Long March-9 will only be in use in 2033.

The profit component, which is lighter than the rover, can be launched with the older-generation Long March 3B, which can raise 11.2 lots to low Earth orbit and 5.1 tons to GTO.

SpaceX’s Super Heavy

In contrast, SpaceX’s launch vehicle, Super Heavy, was much younger because it only flew for one more time in April 2023. It has a maximum thrust of 74, 400 kN. &nbsp,

It can travel in geostationary transfer orbit ( GTO ) and 150 tons in low Earth orbit. A Starship can be launched to Mars in one go because of this. Besides, Super Heavy is reusable, helping minimize SpaceX’s launch costs. &nbsp,

Musk’s Mars colonization program sounds rosy, according to a columnist from Anhui, but whether or not it will succeed is another story. &nbsp,

Musk has stated for the first time that he can send people to Mars. Are his astronauts and rockets prepared? Can his objectives actually be accomplished in four years? says the writer. &nbsp,

” Musk does not have sufficient budget or full plans. It’s impossible for SpaceX to complete its missions by 2028, he says, adding that China is pushing its space exploration plans step-by-step.

If the CNSA’s plan is smooth, its Mars samples will arrive on Earth in July 2031.

Meanwhile, NASA has already collected some rock samples with its rovers on Mars. By 2033, it was originally intended to send samples to Earth, but such a step will likely be postponed due to budget concerns.

Read: China’s first Mars rover may sleep forever

Follow Jeff Pao on Twitter at&nbsp, @jeffpao3

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The endogenous bubble – Asia Times

Subscribe now&nbsp, for access at a special price of only$ 99/year.

The intrinsic bubble

According to David P. Goldman, tech companies crashed as a result of unsatisfactory manufacturing data and fears about the viability of AI investments. Despite high prices, Nvidia’s ahead P/E of 70 reflects business idea in AI’s possible, though Goldman warns of a balloon.

European foreign policy is impacted by new express elections.

Diego Faßnacht writes that current state votes in Thuringia and Saxony, Germany, have significant political implications, especially regarding Germany’s position on the Ukraine fight and US weapon operations.

Ukraine’s threats strained as Russia seeks corporate profits in Donbass

According to James Davis, Russian forces have stabilized the front in the Kursk area, halting Ukraine’s enhance while boosting their assault on the Donbass. Ukraine’s attempt to gain surface in Kursk has stalled, with Russian troops slowly wearing down Russian forces.

Bad US economy, issues at Intel undermine chipmaker promote rates

According to Scott Foster, concerns have been raised about AI expense, semiconductor capital expenditures, and the effectiveness of the CHIPS Act as a result of a poor US manufacturing catalog and Intel’s problems. Nvidia’s investment dropped 17 % within a month, and another silicon stocks followed.

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Too early for Japan to advise China on defeating deflation – Asia Times

TOKYO – Pot. Kettle. Black. When Japan’s previous head of the central bank offered Beijing guidance on fighting recession, the legendary idiom naturally made sense in Person’s Bank of China Governor Pan Gongsheng’s head.

On Friday ( September 6), Haruhiko Kuroda, who headed the BOJ from 2013 to 2023, appeared at the Shanghai’s Bund Summit total of ideas for PBOC leaders. Kuroda warned them to act immediately and confidently to avert” Japanification” challenges. ” Central bankers should avoid prolonged recession even if it is minor, that may affect pay determination”, he said.

Three days prior to today’s announcement that coast consumer prices increased less than some economists had anticipated in August. The 0.6 % increase from a month earlier comes amid factory-gate depreciation, a trend that’s plagued the PBOC and Chinese business since 2022. In July, producer prices fell 1.8 % from a year earlier following a 0.8 % decline in June.

Kurida’s guidance comes from a policymaker who probably comprehends the curves and difficulties of recession better than anyone else. Irony abounds in this instance, given that Kuroda left BOJ offices in April 2023 without actually finishing the job.

Since therefore, it’s fallen to his son, Kazuo Ueda, to sort out where Japan finds itself 25 years on. On July 31, Ueda’s team hiked Japanese rates to 0.25 %, the highest since 2008, signaling that deflation had been defeated. However, a tantalizing event occurred in the weeks following: Tokyo’s officialdom pushed back, to say no so quickly.

Ueda was summoned to Parliament on August 23 to answer questions from concerned politicians. The BOJ’s tightening step 23 days earlier sent the yen skyrocketing, a shock that wiped out as much as$ 6.4 trillion from global stock markets. Yet another big surprise came at the same hearing, where Finance Minister Shunichi&nbsp, Suzuki argued his team does n’t think Japan is ready to declare victory.

” We believe we have reached a point where problems are no longer negative, but we cannot claim the possibility that the state could go up into deflation”, Suzuki stressed.

This suggests that the BOJ and the government of Japan are at a crossroads in the country at a time when the economy is n’t performing as expected. Latest statistics show that “in stage words, GDP is still below where it was in the second third of 2023”, says Stefan Angrick, senior analyst at Moody’s Analytics.

Angrick adds that the “headwinds facing the business are significant. Export are struggling and are unlikely to significantly increase before the year’s end. Household income are stretched. We’re looking for more proof that pay rise will continue, since this summer saw a significant increase in regular cash earnings, which was mostly driven by stronger bonus payments.

Despite the mingled information, Angrick concludes,” the Bank of Japan seems determined to strengthen economic policy. At best, more level hikes will be an added bring on growth. At worst, they may precipitate a broader slump”.

Which is precisely what concerns Suzuki and his Liberal Democratic Party. The question is then whether Japan will experience a repeat of the 2006-2008 period, when the BOJ last attempted to normalize rates just to instantly reverse course.

Back then, the Toshihiko&nbsp, Fukui-led BOJ managed to end quantitative easing and engineer two 25-basis-point tightening moves, getting short-term rates as high as 0.50 %.

As financial growth slowed, the democratic reaction was fast and furious. By 2008, Fukui’s son, Masaaki Shirakawa, was beginning the process of restoring QE and cutting costs up to zero. Could this policy-reversal active be repeated in Japan in 2024?

For then, Ueda is arguing it’s full speed ahead on price excursions. It’s not distinct, nevertheless, that future financial data may assistance that view. Especially at a time when Suzuki’s ministry of finance group appears to think deflation could lead to either side.

What is the architectural context in which Japan is situated? A fast-aging people like Japan’s is essentially negative. Folks in their 70s do n’t tend to consume like those in their 20s and 30s on new homes, cars, appliances, education, travel and entertainment.

Another: the “deflationary thinking” that continues to baffle Tokyo. For a couple of years now, Chinese households did n’t only grow used to stable-to-lower costs. They developed a dependence on the pattern. In high-tax, stagnant-wage&nbsp, Japan, sliding prices acted&nbsp, like a cunning tax cut of types. It really increased the power of households.

In China’s situation, fragile prices could enjoy some benefits for business profits.

The issue is now that Japan finally experiences inflation, but households are n’t content with it. Consumer prices are rising more quickly than regular wages, which results in a social culture shock.

In the decade in which Kuroda served as the BOJ’s head, Kuroda and his team aimed to start a virtuous cycle of salary increases that increased business profits and gave workers bigger and bigger paychecks. The opposite is happening. Due to higher commodity prices and a poor renminbi, the majority of Japan’s prices is being imported.

This, in turn, is undermining customer investing. Analysts at Fitch Solutions product BMI write that “elevated prices continues to challenge Japan’s financial field.”

It would be good to have a template to refer to as China fights its own deflation battle. Tokyo, of training, should be that event review. Perhaps 25 years after initially lowering costs to zero, it is unclear whether Japan or its own lost decades have been learned.

Kuroda is the only person who comprehends this more fully. He is more knowledgeable than any current central banker about the fact that inflation is n’t always a monetary phenomenon, contrary to what Milton Friedman and his fellow Nobel laureates have said.

Without bold structural reforms that alter incentives, increase competitiveness and level playing fields, monetary easing alone wo n’t reverse a major economy’s falling-price troubles. And at the time, China’s latest “inflation information confirms negative forces remain rooted”, says Carlos&nbsp, Casanova, scholar at Union Bancaire Privée.

Worse, he says, statistics on producer prices “was more bad than anticipated, reflecting worries about overcapacity in important areas, which has led to discounted stock costs”. Casanova points out that “upstream forces continue to have an impact on the entire sales landscape,” he continues.

To maintain prices, Pan’s group at PBOC may slash rates further. In July, for example, the PBOC surprised markets with a cut in interest on 7-day reverse purchase agreements to 1.7 % from 1.8 %. The PBOC stated at the time that the goal was to “increase financial aid for the actual market.”

However, the action also reflected Robin Xing, a Morgan Stanley economist ,’s “reactive nature of easing.” According to Bruce Pang, chief analyst at Jones Lang Lasalle, the decline in mainland costs is a result of a weakened real estate sector.

Due to the concern that a falling renminbi might lead to other issues, the PBOC is reluctant to cut prices once more. With this conflict, Pan’s establishment and bond traders are at odds with one another, pushing rates upward more quickly than the PBOC desires.

Xinquan Chen, a strategist for Goldman Sachs, claims that this is because the PBOC is preoccupied with” Chinese-style yield curve control.” According to Chen,” the attempts to set a floor for long-term Taiwanese government bond yields appear to be working for the moment, but poor private demand and inadequate attitude may lead to lower yields in the medium term.”

President Xi Jinping’s authorities also could be doing more. &nbsp,” The fiscal policy approach needs to become more proactive in order to avoid the negative anticipation from becoming entrenched, in my view”, says analyst Zhiwei Zhang, chairman of Pinpoint Asset Management.

As Japan has taught the world, while, a multi-pronged collapse of economic stimulus, fiscal pump-priming and supply-side updates are needed to maintain prices.

The second two valves have been replaced with too much of Japan’s first half century. Japan is firing on fewer cylinder than it should be in 2024 as a result of the glacial pace of efforts to modernize labour markets, cut red tape, catalyze a business growth, and motivate people.

All of which makes Kuroda’s holding court in Shanghai, pretending that these challenges are in Tokyo’s rear-view mirror, a bit amusing. Granted, Kuroda did so respectfully. However, BOJ members who are currently or former might want to direct their criticisms and suggestions to Tokyo first.

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

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US Air Force thinks about ditching NGAD fighter program – Asia Times

In mild of budget constraints, advancements in technology, and the rapidly expanding threat of armed drones, the US Air Force is reevaluating its plan for the future of its heat dominance.

This month, Air &amp, Space Forces Magazine reported that the US Air Force is reevaluating its approach to achieving air superiority, potentially shifting away from a manned sixth-generation fighter as part of its Next-Generation Air Dominance ( NGAD ) program.

According to Air &amp, Space Forces Magazine, US Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall announced a “pause” on the NGAD system in July. At this week’s Defense News convention, acquisition chiefs Andrew Hunter and James Slife, the source claims, suggested reevaluating requirements.

According to the report, the review will examine whether air superiority can be achieved by combining new technologies, such as Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA ), with existing ones like the F-35, F-15EX, and F-22. It makes note of the fact that the review has been prompted by advancements in autonomy and various technologies since the first NGAD analysis.

According to Air &amp, Space Forces Magazine, the US Air Force intends to combine these new capabilities into a coherent system that guarantees heat superiority in contested surroundings while remaining affordable. It adds that the reassessment’s results may affect the NGAD project’s future, with potential agreement honours as early as 2025.

The US Air Force’s programs for a potential weather dominance were in turmoil in June 2024, according to Asia Times, as a result of budget constraints, aging F-22 Birds, and uncertainty surrounding the NGAD system.

The USAF’s proposed budget proposal for fiscal year 2023 was criticized by the Government Accountability Office ( GAO ) for lacking in in-depth analysis of the effects of retiring older F-22 Block 20 fighters.

Upgrading these aircraft to Block 30/35 standards had cost US$ 3.3 billion and get 15 years. Concerns about the F-22 fleet’s validity are still present after the upgrades are finished, but the US is scheduled to spend$ 22 billion on them over the next ten years.

Meanwhile, a US Department of Defense ( DOD ) report released this August shows that the F-35 program is experiencing a reduction in planned aircraft purchases. Importantly, in 2025, 42 F-35 plane are planned for purchasing, down from 48 in 2024. The cost of purchasing for 42 aircraft continues to decline through 2026, before rising to 47 aircraft in 2027.

This decrease is observed across all variations of the F-35, including the F-35A, B and C designs. Budgetary considerations and programmatic adjustments are in line with the program’s fiscal constraints and proper adjustments.

However, the NGAD system, which aims to develop a sixth-generation warrior, faces prospective cancellation due to high costs, technical challenges and evolving atmosphere dominance concepts.

The US Air Force also struggles with the cost of the B-21 Raider and Sentinel intercontinental ballistic missile ( ICBM ) programs, which have been delayed in the F-35 program.

As the US Air Force plans for weather dominance, a revived light warrior strategy offers a flexible, cost-effective solution to the high-cost NGAD system, balancing value with cutting-edge capacity.

Asia Times reported in August 2024 that the US Air Force is considering revising its light warrior strategy to address issues with its next-generation warrior system. This shift aims to create flexible, cost-effective plane in response to China’s airpower progress.

The idea, resembling a scaled-down F-35, emphasizes fast software upgrades over traditional technology improvements, aligning with the NGAD program. The NGAD program’s high costs have drawn criticism because they cost almost US$ 250 million annually for each stealth fight jet of the sixth generation.

A blended fleet could be created thanks to the light fighter concept, which was entice uncrewed CCA drones while balancing high-end capabilities with affordability.

The idea also resonates with past criteria for a “high/low” mixture of fighters, which could change the aging F-16 ships and give a cost-effective answer to maintaining air superiority.

In May 2024, Asia Times reported that extremely complex and expensive sixth-generation fighters properly finally waste money and make the US less competitive in other fields, including space.

The US government perhaps be better off emphasizing unmanned systems and space-based weapons platforms that are more cost-effective, reduced and aligned with upcoming corporate requirements, the statement argued.

Instead of investing in probably useless warplanes, the US could possibly prioritize the development of space-based weapons and concentrate on building less complicated, easier-to-mass-produce systems that can do, outpace and swarming adversary targets.

The US Air Force is under increasing pressure to strike a balance between improved air defense capabilities and evolving aerial threats as drones transform the battlefield.

Clifford Lucas claims in a War on the Rocks article from May 2024 that the US Air Force is at odds with itself with a heated debate over air defense.

Lucas raises the question of whether air superiority is sufficient to shield against changing threats as drone technology develops, blurring the line between conventional aircraft and missiles.

Lucas says Lucas makes an outline of both sides of the debate, arguing that critics claim that the current air superiority doctrine places too much emphasis on manned aircraft and ignores the growing threat of unmanned aerial systems.

On the other hand, he claims that air defense advocates believe it should be given more weight because drones are more similar to missiles than conventional aircraft, necessitating a shift in attention to missile defense systems.

Lucas makes the point that US military leaders believe that air defense and superiority are separate but interdependent missions that need to evolve in tandem.

He claims that the US Air Force should reevaluate resource allocation in light of the development of ever-more sophisticated drones and advocate for better coordination between the military branches to maintain control in disputed airspaces.

He points out that the ongoing debate could influence future strategies, putting the emphasis on more adaptable, integrated defense systems that can deal with a wide range of aerial threats.

As military planners strive to secure the skies in upcoming conflicts, Lucas emphasizes that the growing threat of drones makes it imperative for a robust air defense system and modernized air superiority strategy.

He claims that the emphasis is shifting to figuring out a balance between these two priorities in light of the realities of next-generation conflict.

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France offers SE Asia an often forgotten third way choice – Asia Times

This post originally appeared on Pacific Forum and has since been republished with authority. Read the original below.

Despite having a long-standing appearance in Southeast Asia, France’s recent engagement in the region remains limited. France has been formalizing its Indo-Pacific method since 2018 in an effort to strengthen its regional property, establish its position as an Indo-Pacific strength, and establish new ties with Asia.

Yet, despite this technique, France’s success in Southeast Asia is also lacking, as it prioritizes the Indian Ocean due to its geographical interests, forming the basis of its Indo-Pacific foreign plan.

France’s interest is also divided according to handling continued conflicts such as the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the war in Gaza, and local European affairs, which threaten Europe’s security and need France’s leadership.

Southeast Asia’s difficult geopolitics, including sea disputes and competition among significant powers, are possible sources of conflict. Also, Southeast Asia’s increase as the most powerful area in the world prompts a reassessment of France’s geographical coverage.

The French administration’s plan report,” France’s Partnerships in the Indo-Pacific”, emphasizes a devotion to a second way in the region. Given that some Asian nations are less advanced in this area, it aims to work with all well-intentioned capabilities that are committed to non-traditional surveillance, particularly in terms of addressing climate change.

Southeast Asia is very vulnerable to climate change, facing problems like rising sea levels, heat waves, storms, floods and extreme weather events. As a head in the fight against climate change, France may draw on its expertise, funding, and study to work with Southeast Asian nations in this crucial field.

Given Vietnam’s significant contribution to world rice exports, this focus aligns with ASEAN’s existing needs, as evidenced by recent droughts in southern Vietnam that have affected rice cultivation.

But, France’s approach to Southeast Asia faces restrictions compared to countries like Japan, the US and China, as it cannot provide large-scale equipment leasing or military technology gifts.

France can use ASEAN’s advantages in non-traditional security, while another big powers concentrate on other areas. This method is well-suited to ASEAN’s present interests, especially in addressing climate change and other pressing local issues.

Regarding political engagement, France is actively involved in supporting ASEAN-led mechanisms and promoting ASEAN centrality. France became the first member of the European Union to sign the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia ( TAC ) in 2007.

Additionally, France has accredited its Ambassadors to ASEAN since 2009, indicating its commitment to engaging with ASEAN. A workshop on regional security, titled” Navigating through Concurrent Security Challenges: How to Keep ASEAN in the Driver’s Seat,” was sponsored by France in December 2023.

This workshop aimed to address challenges and provide support to ASEAN-led mechanisms and ASEAN centrality, showcasing France’s dedication to strengthening ASEAN’s role in regional security.

Both France’s Indo-Pacific Strategy and ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific ( AOIP ) share common points, as they seek partnerships with like-minded countries based on a shared vision of challenges and solutions.

Both emphasize keeping a neutral position and refraining from taking sides, which aids in the establishing of trust between France and ASEAN. The 2020 ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute survey on Southeast Asia’s state ranked the EU as ASEAN’s second most trusted partner, after Japan.

Given that it is a significant member of the EU, France has a significant advantage in fostering trust and cooperation with ASEAN.

France’s strategy in the Indo-Pacific, emphasizing neutrality and a third-path approach, benefits ASEAN by promoting multilateralism and reducing concerns about relationships with other major powers like China, the US and Japan.

From ASEAN’s perspective, France’s strategy is seen as a major power supporting ASEAN-led institutions and strengthening multilateralism and balance in the region. ASEAN wo n’t have to deal with pressure to take sides because France does n’t participate in alliances like the Quad and AUKUS.

Being able to support major powers that maintain a neutral stance given ASEAN’s relatively weak voice in comparison to major powers, having support from major powers that maintain a neutral stance is essential for bolstering ASEAN’s multilateral efforts. For France, this position allows it to exert more influence in ASEAN’s areas of strength.

France can use its favorable standing to strengthen its influence within ASEAN and promote regional stability and cooperation by adhering to ASEAN’s principles and objectives.

France, a strategic partner for ASEAN?

Among ASEAN countries, France has different levels of cooperation.

Although many Southeast Asian nations have historically sourced their weapons from Russia, the Ukraine conflict and subsequent sanctions have caused ASEAN to diversify its sources.

France, now the world’s second-largest arms exporter overtaking Russia, holds 11 % of the global arms market and has seized this opportunity to sell arms to ASEAN countries.

For instance, France sold two Scorpene submarines to Indonesia on April 3, 2024, and French weapons company Nexter Defence System is working closely with the Indonesian government to create a domestic weapons industry.

Furthermore, on December 9, 2023, France and Malaysia reinforced their strategic partnership in defense, underscoring ASEAN’s role and France’s role as an observer in the ASEAN Defense Minister’s Meeting Plus ( ADMM Plus ).

Additionally, Singapore and France aim to enhance ties through a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership ( CSP) by 2025. The Philippines and France made a commitment to strengthen defense cooperation and pursue an agreement that would allow them to send troops to their respective territories on December 2, 2023.

France has actually deployed patrol ships in the South China Sea several times to demonstrate its commitment to upholding maritime security in the area.

While France maintains good relations with Indochina, particularly through economic and Francophone activities, the relationship remains relatively limited. This is especially true for Vietnam, which has been hailed as a crucial partner for France in Southeast Asia.

France and Vietnam celebrated their strategic partnership’s tenth anniversary and relationship’s fiftyth anniversary in 2023. Despite historical difficulties, this relationship has the potential to become a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, similar to the progress made in the US-Vietnam relationship.

However, this process requires significant efforts from both countries. It is interesting that, despite significant official visits between France and Vietnam, the French president has not traveled to Vietnam during significant occasions, such as the 50th anniversary of their relationship.

In contrast, other European nations, including the Netherlands and Eastern European countries, who are all EU members, have sent their presidents to Vietnam, most recently in 2023, establishing crucial diplomatic relations that Vietnam established in 1973.

Efforts must continue to leverage Vietnam’s strengths in sectors such as textiles, footwear, agriculture and aquaculture within the framework of the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement ( EVFTA ) to strengthen economic ties.

For strengthening bilateral relations, France and Vietnam must collaborate in key strategic areas. This includes encouraging French investments that are in line with Vietnam’s foreign investment strategy and promoting partnerships in high technology and industry.

Both countries recognize the importance of cooperation in sustainable development, ecological transition, and combating climate change, necessitating joint efforts on an international scale.

To promote environmentally sustainable practices, this partnership should include infrastructure development, energy transition projects, and sustainable transportation initiatives. Regarding arms sales, although Vietnam has shown interest in French weaponry, the high cost has posed challenges.

Despite the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine, Vietnam’s military cooperation with Russia continues successfully. By enhancing Vietnam’s ability to develop its own weapons, France might consider doing so in the future in a manner akin to what it intends to do for Indonesia. This approach is in line with Vietnam’s current requirements and could lead to a stronger defense cooperation between France and Vietnam.

France and ASEAN have a lot of potential for cooperation, and both parties have agreed on priorities and priorities. However, to fully realize this potential, France must translate its vision into practical actions and initiatives.

By doing so, France can strengthen its partnership with ASEAN and significantly contribute to regional stability, development, and cooperation.

National ChengChi University’s Tran Thi Mong Tuyen is a professor.

First published by Diplomatie Magazine N. 127 in France, this article was originally written in French.

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China’s Canadian canola probe consolidates a trade war – Asia Times

The worldwide trading system regularly experiences price wars, and China and Canada have long-standing tensions. These price wars are mainly caused by political tensions.

In 2019, for example, China banned American beef exports following the confinement of Huawei’s chief executive officer, Meng Wanzhou. Many viewed it as a political reaction to the gap between Ottawa and Beijing, despite China citing the use of banned nourish additives in French meat as the justification.

China is currently threatening to look into Canada’s possible sunflower exports. Dumping refers to a type of cost bias in global trade, where a product is sold on both domestic and export industry at different rates. In essence, it involves selling a product on a international market for less than its domestic market ordinary value.

Following Canada’s implementation of a 100 % tariff on electric vehicles and a 25 % tariff on China’s steel and aluminum, which became effective on October 1, 2024, this decision was made. It is obvious that China’s action is a strong retribution for the taxes on electric vehicles.

Trade hostilities between nations is seriously stifle global trade. Prior study demonstrated how trade between Canada and the United States, specifically in the agri-food sector, was negatively impacted by Donald Trump’s presidency.

The mere danger of an anti-dumping work may prevent exports, making anti-dumping regulations a form of non-tariff challenge, even when the work is not actually imposed. Although China has just announced a dumping research, the costs of sunflower oil prospects are already being impacted.

Anti-dumping techniques

Both Canada and China must follow the WTO’s rules for their trade policies in order to cooperate with them.

Members of the WTO can take legal action to defend their local markets from dumping under the WTO’s platform. However, such activities may follow the established WTO protocols, including issuing complaints through the firm’s debate settlement mechanism.

The WTO’s Anti-Dumping Partnership outlines how countries can listen to dumping. In this situation, China would need to show that Canada is dumping sunflower, as well as quantifying the volume of the dumping, and that it is harming Chinese sunflower producers.

If China’s analysis uncovers proof of dumping, it has the right to impose anti-dumping jobs. When it is established and demonstrated that dumping has harmed the local business, these duties are imposed.

The danger or imposition of these taxes could severely impede American canola imports to China, which would have serious consequences for French farmers who rely heavily on international markets to sell their goods.

Canada’s sunflower trade to China

Canada exports 90 % of its entire sunflower production, with exports of sunflower seed, fuel and food equivalent to$ 15.8 billion in 2023. China is Canada’s second-largest supplier of rapeseed, after the US, with goods totaling$ 5 billion in 2023.

This indicates that China contributed almost one-third of Canada’s total sunflower trade worth that year. Importantly, the US is the largest marketplace for canola oil and food while China is the largest marketplace for canola seed.

Canola is primarily exported to China in its primary form ( seed ), as opposed to processed products ( oil and meal ). According to the information, sunflower grain exports to China were stable between 2014 and 2018 before a significant decline, which continued until 2023.

This decrease comes at the same time as Canada and China’s political tensions, which suggests that trade issues can have a significant negative impact on diplomatic business. So, signalling the current trade conflict could have devastating effect for sunflower producers, especially as China accounts for about 65 % of Canada’s sunflower seed trade.

Also, Canada’s sunflower imports have shown minimal growth, relying heavily on only four places: the US, China, Mexico and Japan. Together, these countries accounted for 98 % of Canada’s total trade value in 2023.

The US led with imports worth$ 8.6 billion, representing 54 % of Canada’s total exports, followed by China with$ 5 billion ( 32 % ), Mexico with$ 1 billion ( 6 % ), and Japan with$ 883 million ( 5.6 % ).

This heavy emphasis on a couple industry heightens Canada’s vulnerability to business problems. Canola had become weak in the Chinese market if China imposes anti-dumping taxes, and Canada could face losing 30 % of its sunflower import price to different potential customers.

The Canola Council of Canada recognizes China as a significant and valuable source of income for the country’s rapeseed.

What’s the way forward?

Like numerous advanced markets, Canada seeks to protect its domestic industry from the flood of low-cost Chinese items, such as electric vehicles. Canada must be cautious, especially when implementing business plans from bigger nations like the US and the European Union.

In contrast to Canada, a small, open market that is more prone to engaging in a trade war with China, these larger economies have greater leverage in global business conversations.

Additionally, it is crucial that electric automobiles become more affordable for the common French to help Canada move quickly to a natural business and help it meet its weather goal of selling all electric vehicles by 2035.

Canada may look into other measures like safeguards or tax rate quotas for Chinese electric cars in order to lessen trade tensions with China. Those approaches may be mutually helpful and less likely to inspire tit-for-tat retaliation.

Different Canadian industries that rely on Chinese consumers would suffer if China were to impose a expensive tariff on electric cars. Canada needs to be careful in its efforts to protect workers in the auto market from threats to those in the agricultural industry.

Canola producers, in particular, may possibly bear the cost of Canada’s punitive tariff on China. China might target a number of other industries, as well, because it would probably react by retaliating by reducing its own exports.

Given that trade wars with big international market players are becoming more frequent, Canada must work to reduce diplomatic tensions and stop trade wars. New trade disputes, including those with the US during the NAFTA renewal, Saudi Arabia over human rights issues and China following the confinement of a Huawei professional, can drastically destroy Canada’s export competitiveness.

At the University of Guelph, Sylvanus Kwaku Afesorgbor is an associate professor of agri-food industry and coverage.

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Kishida shows Harris, Trump the fatal risk of empty political promises – Asia Times

If campaign promises made by politicians were subject to the same rules and scrutiny as professional advertisements, they would be seriously in trouble. Fortunately for them, citizens are the ones who determine whether claims are accurate and, if they are, how much the voters care about it.

And in governments, voters are aware that they have a chance to punish politicians who disobey their own laws in the coming elections. To that extent, voters are in a stronger position than customers – although customers, at least, can change suppliers next time if they do n’t like what they have bought.

This summer, Japan and the United States are making an intriguing contrast between the effects of politicians ‘ promises:

  • Due to the low open appeal ratings of Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, who has chosen not to work for re-election as leader of the Liberal Democrat Party, which can be attributable to his broken financial guarantees.
  • And Kamala Harris is running against Donald Trump by making economic policy promises that she must know she ca n’t possibly fulfill, presumably because she believes she wo n’t be punished for them.

It’s unlikely that a sizable portion of Chinese citizens, who were 1o5.3 million at the time of the last common election in 2021, were interested in Kishida’s pledge to” make a new form of socialism” in Japan. His assurance was very abstract to appeal to regular people.

There is no denying that when he used this phrase a month earlier to win the LDP leadership, it had had a significant impact on how he was perceived by the roughly 1 % of voters who are LDP people.

In contrast to his more traditional political successors, Shinzo Abe and Yoshihide Suga, who could be seen as an entrepreneur in terms of local monetary policy, this phrase gave him the impression that he was more politically liberal. Because of his more left-winging position on monetary affairs, he may appear to be a candidate for change in keeping with Abe and Suga in terms of foreign and security policy.

In contrast to the typical primary minister of recent years, Kishida’s three years in office seem like a long time. But, by comparison with Abe’s nearly eight years from December 2012 until September 2020, Kishida’s word counts as little. Additionally, he should have had a great chance of remaining prime minister for another three years given that the LDP currently has no obvious or capable candidate to succeed him.

His small people approval ratings, which are frequently blamed on the economic crises that have plagued the LDP, are usually attributable to the fact that he chose to resign. For crises, but, should change the group more than Kishida himself, as he has not been physically tainted.

It is more likely that his low popularity is a result of economic factors, most importantly the fact that ordinary people’s incomes have increased more quietly than prices during his presidency, making them feel continuously worse off.

It is not really Kishida’s fault that prices started to rise. Instead, his vital error may have been that he did not stop talking about” a new form of neoliberalism” once he had been elected group leader. He established committees and demanded reports on how to carry out the assurance, keeping the phrase in the headlines. Whatever the boards ‘ responses, Kishida proved unwilling to put them into practice.

And what the general public notices is that “new capitalism” results from wages being outpaced by prices, and that outside travel is harder to come by due to the yen exchange rate’s decline.

If Trump were to lose to her in the election, Harris should learn that monetary promises can help people get elected but they should be dropped if they are unconstitutional or, worse, they could be dangerous.

Harris has pledged to take action to stop what she refers to as “price-gouging,” which means financial locations that cause prices by making excessive profits. Additionally, she has pledged to increase the revenue on business profits as well.

The first of those ideas is meaningless in an open, free-market world like America: there is no possibility that new laws or enforcement mechanisms was, in practice, identify and punish extra profits.

The second could only be carried out with Congress’s assent, which is unlikely to happen unless the Democrats win an unexpectedly large success in both houses.

The purpose of Harris ‘ claims, as well as Trump’s pledge to impose taxes on all imported manufactured goods, and his new commitment to establish an “efficiency fee” led by a multi-billionaire, Elon Musk, presumably to lower the overall price stage, which the tariffs would undoubtedly raise, may be for the candidates to position themselves in a way that they hope will win over voters:

  • as a friend of working individuals, in Harris’s situation,
  • as an army of manipulative foreigners, in Trump’s circumstance, for taxes, but also as a foe friend of working people.

The promise must be that both learn the lesson of Kishida: Make irrelevant, impossible promises if you must, but do not maintain shouting about them– or worse, trying to implement them – once you are in business. To do so could be dangerous.

Originally editor-in-chief of The Economist, where he had formerly served as Tokyo commission chief, Bill Emmott is currently president of the&nbsp, Japan Society of the UK, the&nbsp, International Institute for Strategic Studies&nbsp, and the&nbsp, International Trade Institute.

This article’s original Japanese language was published by Nikkei Business. The content was first published in English on Bill Emmott’s Global View, a substack. Asia Times is republishing with authority.

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Barnier appointment ‘gave National Rally keys to the truck’ – Asia Times

Michel Barnier’s appointment as prime minister on 6 September, according to Frédéric Sawicki, professor of social science at the University of Paris 1, signals the birth of a coalition between Emmanuel Macron and Les Républicains, as well as the party’s powerful status in the far-right National Rally party. David Bornstein’s meeting was first published in French for this article.


Daniel Bornstein: Following two weeks of continuous conversations, Emmanuel Macron has appointed Michel Barnier as perfect minister. What do you produce of this decision?

Frédéric Sawicki: Firstly, let me point out that Michel Barnier is of the right wing and that he has inevitably gained the support of the conservative Les Républicains ( LR ) party, despite the fact that he is not necessarily on the same side. Therefore, the person being appointed is not just one person, but also the member of a group that has consistently rejected Macronists as a leader. So the question is: did another LR members join the authorities? Is this the beginning of a long-term partnership between LR and Macron’s group, something that has always failed?

In fact, one of the reasons for Macron’s decision to break the French National Assembly on June 10 was the result of this difficult ally. This alliance appears to be occurring in a contradictory manner at a time when neither party is as strong as it could be between 2022 and 2024, which is when it is both parties are weakened and unable to continue in power. Barnier’s visit thus demonstrates a reconciliation between the Republican straight and the Macronist camp. Although this reconciliation began during the legislative elections with the distribution of some constituencies in some departments, it did not produce any common goals or, of course, any responsibility to unite for the government. So, Macron has finally succeeded in his long-awaited goal, but only vaguely, with an Psc group that has been adamant about retaliating against the Macronists. Is this a lasting reconciliation? That remains to be seen.

There was a stage when it was thought Xavier Bertrand, the centre-right chairman of the local government of the Hauts de France, does been appointed. Suddenly, why Barnier more than him?

SF: It could be that the mind of Les Républicains, Laurent Wauquiez, twisted Macron’s arm because Michel Barnier did not represent a threat to him in the same way as Xavier Bertrand. As a reminder to visitors outside of France, Bertrand had a plan to challenge Macron in 2020, but he was defeated by Éric Ciotti, Valérie Pécresse, and Barnier himself.

Marine Le Pen had vetoed the nomination of Bertrand, but appears to have greenlit Barnier’s session. She stated on Thursday that he” seems to meet at least the first criterion we requested,” i .e., a man who is respectful of the various political parties and capable of speaking to the National Rally, the largest group in the National Assembly, in the same way as the other groups. What do you think about this?

Acc: We had to persuade LR to participate in the empire, as well as ensure that it would not soon criticize the new prime minister. Xavier Bertrand, who was elected against the National Rally in Sea Le Pen’s hometown Hauts-de-France, appeared to be less hostile to the RN than Barnier, who allegedly stood in for the RN. In his campaign for the Republican nomination in the Democratic primary of 2021, Michel Barnier called for stricter border controls and a stricter federal deportation policy for foreigners. He surprised everyone. The RN slammed this for showing positive change in him. Le Pen avoids taking the responsible for administrative dysfunction or possible problem by supporting Barnier and instead tries to assume the role of “responsible” president.

All in all, is n’t Marine Le Pen in a position of strength vis-à-vis Emmanuel Macron?

FS: We do n’t know what commitments the president made to Marine Le Pen, and we still do n’t know what Barnier’s political orientations are. However, all of this will only continue if the RN receives significant agreements. How far will Barnier come in enforcing immigration regulations? On the RN’s economic and social requirements? The major problem for the RN will be equal representation, but it will likely not be enough to get its assistance, even if only in the type of abstention.

Do you believe there will be more of this state?

Ptr: Will the National Rally later censure the state? It may require a vote on immigration. It has the authority to decide when and how the government may collapse or what it should do. All of this ultimately amounts to handing over the vehicle keys to the RN. Will Macron’s MPs ‘ supporters agree to eat for a pill, in your opinion? How far will Barnier and Macron push the regional rally’s agenda forward? Another thesis, which is highly unlikely given the conditions of his visit, but which cannot be completely ruled out at this period: Michel Barnier, with his negotiating skills, manages to avoid censure from the Socialist Party and the ecologists with solid commitments on open services, purchasing power and the natural transition.

A little like what happened in Sweden?

Ptr: Absolutely. After the 2022 primaries, the far-right Sweden Democrats, the Swedish relative of the National Rally, came out on top. They agree to impose their plan on the liberal-conservative state and not go to the polls. For the first time in France, the National Rally is likely able to negotiate and help a government’s support for the government. This is obviously the beginning of a new ally between the Liberal Right, the Conservative Right, and the National Rally. Evidently, this is in opposition to the citizens ‘ wishes. Some wonders how the National Rally’s supporters may interpret this given that Emmanuel Macron has been their adversary for years.

How do you notice the following six months?

FS: By putting the fate of the state in the arms of the National Rally, it has the chance to stop the organizations. Once she has achieved a number of triumphs, Marianne Le Pen will be able to overthrow the government at the most advantageous time. She may lead to a situation where electricity is temporarily stifled for some weeks, prompting political makes to demand the withdrawal of the Republic’s leader. In these instances, the RN may be in a position to get this vote, against opponents who are divided, discredited or ready.

Frédéric Sawicki is a professeur de scientific surtout, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne.

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Ukraine war is a racket, as is NATO expansion – Asia Times

Smedley Butler, a retired Sea public and two-time Medal of Honor recipient, released a 55-page book in 1935 that wowed the nation. The book, entitled” War is a Racket”, was reprinted in Reader’s Digest, assuring a mass airflow at the time. Butler summed up his debate in this manner:

War&nbsp, is a&nbsp, stick. It always has been. It is probably the oldest, simply the most lucrative, certainly the most vicious. It is the only one with a global context. The profits are only expressed in money and the costs are expressed in life, in the only other way. A ball is ideal described, I believe, as something that is not what it seems to the majority of the citizens. Just a small “inside” group knows what it is about. It is carried out to the detriment of the very few, at the cost of the very few. Out of battle a few people make great fortunes.

Butler’s reasoning has lingered to this day. It’s difficult to understand why so many billions of dollars and tens of thousands of modern weapons were wasted in a NATO effort to expand its frontiers as we look at the horror in Ukraine.

Due to the US’s emptiness of both its military and government, the conflict in Ukraine has weakened the country. It has undermined US interests abroad, especially in the Pacific, where a frantic China is then challenging Taiwan, the Philippines and Japan. &nbsp, &nbsp,

But even more is involved, and this includes NATO itself. The first defense alliance was established in 1949 as a means of preventing the spread of communism in eastern and western Europe. &nbsp,

With the fall of the Soviet Union, socialism vanished in Europe in 1991. Yet the somewhat popular Italian Communist Party fell, and was replaced by a few far-left communist organizations that have never gained any support.

Despite the collapse, or better still, disregarding the collapse, instead of NATO dissolving ( as did the Warsaw Pact ), NATO adopted an development plan. It engaged in war outside of the framework of a protective empire including Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Libya and&nbsp, Afghanistan.

NATO in Afghanistan. Since the end of communism, the empire has overreached.

And NATO has expanded to the east and is still attempting to grow. ( It could have included Iraq, but the Turks adamantly objected, so the US organized a” Coalition of the Willing”. )

Not counting Ukraine or Georgia, both promised future NATO membership, and possibly also Moldova ( another NATO target ), now NATO is a huge global alliance of 32 countries, far larger and covering vastly more territory than the original 12 states that formed the empire.

In raw numbers, NATO has a potential military force of 3.5 million and covers 25.07 million square kilometers ( 15.58 million square miles ) of territory. Combined, NATO members are household to 966.88 million citizens and may reach 1 billion by the end of the century.

An essential NATO&nbsp, raison d’etre is to issue Russia, a much-diminished state compared to the context of the former Soviet Union. Russia has a community of 147 million and a GDP of US$ 2 trillion. Russians have an average per capita income of$ 14,391. In 2023 the Russian defence budget was$ 84 billion.

Europe, without the United States, has a population of 742 million, a GDP of$ 35.56 trillion and a per-capital income of$ 34, 230. Europe’s overall defence spending is$ 295 billion, much higher than Russia’s.

Yet Europe’s commitment to its own security falls far short of its ability. Even though the British and French are nuclear power, Europeans absolutely rely on the United States for defense assistance, including nuclear weapons. Why is this?

Europe’s military energy is divided and, in many respects, fragile because of a lack of equipment and labor. The UK, for instance, is a state with a population of 66.97 million. It has a combined military ( all services ) of 138, 120 ( not counting civilian employees ). &nbsp,

The UK surface army is tiny and growing, though. At last count there were 76, 320 in the army, but simply a portion of these are true front-line men. &nbsp,

At the time of the American Revolution, the UK Army was smaller than King George II I’s army because of the ground forces ‘ shrinkage. Despite having a slightly larger population ( 67.97 million ), France performs favorably to the UK. &nbsp,

But some of these forces are foreign soldiers ( and some of them were “permitted” to go over and visit Ukraine’s military ). The French military is comprised of 270, 000 men, but France has a lot of place it needs to shield, meaning that troops for out-of-country implementation are very limited.

Poland, with a smaller community of 36.82 million, has an army of 216, 000, one of the nation’s better-sized forces. Germany has a larger population—83.8 million —but its military figures 180, 215. &nbsp, That amount, however, is false: Germany’s surface power is simply 64, 000, smaller than the UK’s.

With a few exceptions, all Western fighting makes lack enough weapons and ordnance, and they have given much of it away to Ukraine. Equipment is generally obsolete and poorly maintained. &nbsp, &nbsp,

How does Europe devote$ 295 billion on defense without being able to deploy well-equipped fighting forces? This is difficult to comprehend. One possible explanation is that Europeans do n’t want to do much more than just deploy small forces. The responsibility of ensuring Europe’s security and defense is left to the United States.

The US has about 100, 000 support people stationed throughout Europe. This includes the US Air Force, Army, Marines, Navy, and Unique Forces. The 100, 000 includes around 20, 000 who were sent to reinforce Eastern Europe in 2022 ( some to Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland and Romania ). The Europeans are undoubtedly betting on an American military force to defend them.

U. S. Army Soldiers with Task Force Knighthawk, 3rd Combat Aviation Brigade, and Soldiers with 1st Battalion, 506th Infantry Regiment” Red Currahee”, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division ( Air Assault ), both supporting 4th Infantry Division, and North Estonia Medical Centre staff. Photo: US Army

However, the history of British expeditionary forces ( BEF ) in Europe is not a happy one. In World War 2 the BEF ( made up of 13 divisions and 390, 000 troops ) had to be evacuated from Dunkirk ( Operation Dynamo ), Le Havre ( Operation Cycle ) and from French Atlantic and Mediterranean ports ( Operation Aerial ).

Nowhere in Europe and Russia are armies that are comparable in size and power size to those in World Wars 1 or World Wars 2. Europe is even further behind if Britain was far behind in 1940 when it was building its mechanisms.

Several European countries have emptied their armaments to support Ukraine, sending vehicles, armoured vehicles, weapons, air defenses, weaponry, ammunition and plenty of different hard-to-replace weapons. &nbsp, &nbsp,

What does all this mean? This implies that while Europe spends a lot more on defense ($ 295 billion ) than Russia, it does not get much value from its investment in either fighting forces or equipment. Where does all the wealth come, therefore, is a good question to ask. Smedley Butler might be able to offer a response.

There is proof that the US has asked Europe to spend more money on defence, and these requests have proven to have resulted in larger protection budgets. However, it has not yet been translated into more powerful or larger fighting units ( with the possible exception of Poland ). &nbsp,

In fact, a slowdown in Europe, particularly in Germany and the UK, is likely to result in lower defence spending and fewer deployed troops.

All of this leads to the strange finish that NATO members in Europe cannot defend their own country without the United States. It even puts the US at a serious political risk. &nbsp,

Empty stockpiles and international operations on Europe’s edges diminish America’s ability to defend its interests abroad, especially in the Asia-Pacific area. &nbsp,

It also raises the possibility of entrapment for US security: a Middle East war led by Iran and a Chinese push in East Asia, plus conflict erupting in Korea, could result in real disaster.

The United States, which has unwavering support for NATO expansion and its aggressive attitude toward Russia, is in great danger of expanding. Even if one discounts Smedley Butler’s argument that” War is a racket”, the time has come to reevaluate America’s support for expanding NATO.

At Asia Times, Stephen Bryen is the senior correspondent. He also served as the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee’s staff director and its deputy undersecretary of defense for policy. &nbsp,

This article&nbsp, was originally published on his&nbsp, Weapons and Strategy&nbsp, Substack, and is republished with permission.

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All the ways Russia is influencing the US election – Asia Times

People who used propaganda tactics in the past US election will not be surprised by the White House’s recent revelations about Russian attempts to influence this month’s US presidential vote.

The Kremlin used its state-sponsored media outlets, the news website Sputnik, and the global television station RT to air a number of articles that questioned the legitimacy of the US political operation during the 2020 strategy. Additionally, it was discovered that network of bots and trolls operating under the Russian government were actively promoting conspiracy theories and propaganda online.

This time around, the US has seized a network of Russian-run internet domains and sanctioned ten people including Margarita Simonyan, editor-in-chief of RT ( formerly Russia Today ), for “activities that aim to deteriorate public trust in our institutions”.

Restrictions may include the US frothing of any property or goods and imposing sanctions on any US-based businesses or individuals.

The US has also charged two Moscow-based directors of RT, Kostiantyn Kalashnikov and Elena Afanasyeva, under money laundering laws with paying US information makers to squeeze out “pro-Russia misinformation and propaganda” in the US.

US Attorney General Merrick Garland claimed that Russia was looking to undermine US support for Ukraine in the battle by promoting its “preferred results” in the upcoming presidential election.

The techniques that the US Department of Justice ( DOJ) claims are closely related to what my co-authors and I have identified in our new guide, Russia, Disinformation and the Liberal Order, as having become a accepted practice in Russian attempts to influence global audiences.

We identified five important aspects of Russian data adjustment that can aid in understanding the most recent election-meddling controversy.

1. Using native bloggers

The DOJ claims that RT workers paid a Tennessee-based company roughly US$ 10 million to create social media content that supports Russian interests, but they did not disclose that the Russian state paid the money in the end.

Numerous of the celebrities who work for the Tennessee organization have since claimed to have editorial control over their information and denied knowing anything about Russian connections. However, this fits the designs found in our analysis.

Second, RT has long worked with the nationalist right-wing media room, and generally mimics the style and techniques of US right-wing nationalistic media. It often references their articles on its website, has promoted right-wing press figures, distributed their shows, and featured them on its own platforms, and has linked to their articles.

Building on this, RT has frequently given a system, funding and free reins to media personalities from the states they are targeting, whose fairly held beliefs fit Russia’s personal interests. After all, studies shows that regardless of whether or not those claims are accurate, people are more likely to believe the claims they have heard repeatedly.

2. Fake news sources

In accordance with this situation, the US has seizes a network of online domains that are said to have been used to spread false information to certain demographics.

As well as boosting core Russian talking points, their content, which masquerades as regional websites, frequently taps into specific social issues and disagreements that appeal to specific target groups.

This has been demonstrated in the past, when the Kremlin-backed Internet Research Agency created a phony left-wing information page and duped unaware consultants into writing for Russian data activities. RT’s previous accomplishments demonstrate that it has no reservations about purposefully hiding its connections to other advertising outlets and organizations.

We are aware from our study that these websites usually cross-reference other self-styled counter-mainstream sites to increase their credibility with certain online demographics, as well as generally do so.

3. Adding more fuel to the fire

Another popular strategy for making content credible is tying it to concerns and worries that are already prevalent in any society.

For instance, Russia did not initiate the US cultural battle, but it has skillfully tapped into British society’s concerns. These have been brought to the fore by Russian media activities without engaging with them in any significant way.

Also, when Russian websites masquerade as regional sources, they prioritize themes that are common to their specific audiences. Often, though, controversial subjects are embellished with a mishmash of genuine and fabricated information. They are difficult to distinguish between because of their preconceived notions, which frequently prevent them from trying.

4. Flipping the storyline

Moscow has frequently denied involvement in control activities, just as it did in 2018 when the UK accused the Soviet government of a number of deaths in Salisbury from Novichok illnesses. Russian officials and the media boosted a complicated web of conspiracy theories that mirrored the accusations made against the UK and US security companies back then.

We have seen the “flipped script” response from Russia’s representatives again this time around. Moscow’s ambassador to Washington, Anatoly Antonov, dismissed US allegations as a product of” Russophobia” – the same term used by the Russian embassy following the Salisbury poisonings.

And Russia’s foreign ministry spokeswoman, Maria Zakharova, has repeated her favourite theme of recent years, accusing the US of becoming a” totalitarian neoliberal dictatorship”. This may seem absurd from the head of a state that has condemned criticism of its invasion of Ukraine.

However, bare-faced lies and humorous dismissals often go together in Russia’s information operations.

5. Humor

The Russian state&nbsp, routinely uses humor strategically, and RT has emerged as&nbsp, a pioneer&nbsp, in using humor to legitimize Russia’s actions or&nbsp, neutralize critiques.

However, the network does n’t only use humor to report on international politics. Its signature tactic is to knowingly make itself known as a joker. Numerous RT advertising campaigns have used foreign criticisms as a selling point.

The sarcastic response to the most recent allegations by Simonyan displayed the same spirit. The editor-in-chief dismissed the accusations as US scaremongering” about the almighty RT” in comments posted to Telegram and gleefully reproduced by RT. Her words are a perfect illustration of how RT makes a “populist pariah” of itself.

Russia is working to control agendas outside of its borders, and there is no indication this will stop anytime soon.

Precious Chatterje-Doody is Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Studies, The Open University

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