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The West usually thrives on fragmentation. Countries are categorized as either governments or tyrannies, allies or adversaries. People are labeled liberal or conservative, oligarchs or patriotic, multiculturalist or nativist. The middle ground has become la extract, a forgotten and unknown place.

American cultural scientist William Irwin Thompson, in his text” Coming into Being”, proposed a way forward through the old Chinese yin-yang system. He argued that this alternative view provides a means to promote a world philosophy that is rooted in harmony and reciprocity and transcends the divisive beliefs of modernity.

Origins of dichotomy

China’s yin-yang structure has origins in shamanism. Ancient cultures shared the pantheistic belief that everything in nature—trees, river, animals, inert objects—was interrelated and permeated by spirits. Fact was seen as systematic and undivided.

As societies emerged, integrated animism gave way to duality paradigms. The Proto-Indo-Europeans, for example, developed distinctions such as conflict and purchase, light and darkness.

Zoroaster, the leader of the first polytheistic religion, introduced a duality science. He described an eternal struggle between Ahura Mazda, the clever lord of light, wisdom, and buy, and Angra Mainyu, the dangerous nature of darkness, deceit, and conflict. This spiritual framework influenced after monotheistic customs and reinforced dualistic thinking.

The Chinese, however, took a unique way. They envisioned dichotomy no as oppositional but as complement. Their yin-yang system placed a premium on the powerful interaction of opposing forces, which are mutually dependent and coexist in a whole. This view permeated Chinese science, culture and their knowledge of creation.

The Chinese language reflects the deep relationships between yin-yang and natural phenomena, mainly attraction. The character for yin encompasses meanings such as shady, cloudy, moon, and negative ( magnetic ) charge. The figure for yang indicates bright, beautiful, hill and good charge.

During the Zhou Dynasty, the Chinese discovered electrical rocks, or lodestones, and used them to make the initial magnetic compasses. These” north tips” consisted of a magnet knife on a tray marked with the four cardinal directions. This first map reflects the yin-yang process: north is west and north is yang.

The concept of qi ( orch’i ) further illustrates this connection. Qi represents the pressure and connection between yin and yang, usually translated as” celestial power”, “vital pressure”, or “matter-energy”. Sinologist Joseph Needham, who was influencted by quantum mechanics, described shu as an interaction between matter and energy.

The Chinese place the dramatic qi in the acid character for the current word “electricity.” Tai Chi and Qigong’s acid figures use the same extreme. The Eight Trigrams, the base of the I Ching, even alludes to electric events.

The trigram Zhen is associated with sudden, active power and represents thunder. The trigram Li is associated with heating and represents fire and intensity. Li represents the characteristics of comfort, brightness, and change.

Systematizing the yin and yang

The Taiwanese reasoned that they should apply this principle in the development of their lifestyle after they realized that the yin-yang polarisation is essential to the universe. This would guarantee that their civilization would be in tune with the Tao, the” source” of yin and yang.

Thus the Chinese defined all aspects of existence as yin or yang voltages: Heaven ( the sun ) and Earth, male and female, growth and decay, high and low, space and time, advancing and retreating, everything and nothing, engaged and susceptible, movement and relax.

Moreover, almost all aspects of Chinese culture were based on the yin-yang principle: architecture, art, philosophy, statecraft, eating habit and medicine and, most widely, its Chinese social structure.

Confucius, who studied the I Ching his entire life, based his social construct on the I Ching. The Eight Trigrams ‘ attributes included the eight family members. This “embedded” society in the yin-yang cosmology of the I Ching. His Middle Way became the norm in all facets of Chinese society, both public and private:

Personal life:

Self-Interest ( Yin ): Prioritizing oneself can harm relationships and social harmony.

Altruism ( Yang ): Excessive self-sacrifice might lead to neglect of personal needs and burnout.

The Confucian middle path is based on reciprocity ( shu), where one strives for fairness and reciprocity.

Continuity:

Tradition ( Yin ): Rigid adherence to tradition can hinder progress.

Innovation ( Yang ): Overreacting without respect for tradition could cause chaos or identity loss.

Middle Way: Confucius advocates adhering to fundamental ethical principles rooted in tradition while remaining adaptable and ready to face up to the need for change.

Governance:

Authority ( Yin ): Overly strict leadership risks alienation and resentment.

Yang’s rule of thumb could cause disorder or disrespect.

Middle Way: A leader should strike a balance between being steadfast and compassionate in order to uphold justice and the people’s trust.

The Confucian Middle Way is the way of qi, the path between the yin-yang polarities. When the polarities are in balance, society is in equilibrium, and frictional loss will be at a minimum.

Bridging worldviews

In” Coming into Being”, William Irwin Thompson championed the yin-yang worldview, particularly as articulated by Lao Tzu, as a pathway to transcending modern dualism. He thought it was crucial to creating a new planetary culture for humanity:

– Lao Tzu’s teachings emphasize the unity of opposites ( e. g., yin and yang ). This is crucial for overcoming the divisive, binary thinking that often characterizes modern politics, economics, and cultural discourse.

– Lao Tzu’s vision of leadership as non-coercive, humble, and in service to the greater good offers a blueprint for governance in a planetary culture based on a decentralized, cooperative global ethos.

– Humanity is on the cusp of a transformative phase in cultural evolution, moving toward a global civilization. A spiritual and philosophical framework is provided by the Tao Te Ching to navigate this transition.

The best elements of Eastern and Western traditions must be incorporated into a new planet culture. The Tao Te Ching, with its profound simplicity and universal appeal, could serve as a bridge between these worldviews.

Thompson stressed the need to reconcile opposites in all aspects of life: heart and mind, East and West, spirit and matter, the personal and the social. Lao Tzu and Confucius both said,” As they would say:

Don’t be progressive or conservative, be both,

Don’t be materialistic or spiritual, be both,

Don’t be idealistic or realistic, be both.

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Photos from Syria over the past year have revealed joy on the roads as millions of people celebrate the ending of 24 years of oppression under Bashar al-Assad.

After quite a lengthy and drawn-out stalemate, it is unusual for rebels to be able to tip the balance in their favor and get a war with impunity. What will come next, though, which is the apparent answer? Looking at the few other instances like this, record suggests that the political prospect of Syria could be threatened by new forms of violence.

In 2011, Muammar Gaddafi’s state was defeated by an awning partnership of rebel makes known as the National Transition Council. In addition, a popular vote for independence that season helped South Sudan defeat Omar al-Bashir.

In Idi Amin’s Uganda, an empire was forged by neighboring Tanzania between two rival uprisings in 1979. Their mutual military campaign came to an end with Amin’s beat shortly after.

In each of these situations, the quick aftermath of a rebel success teaches a lesson. More violence is likely to be on the horizon where a dispersed alliance of military organizations finds itself in a political vacuum.

Delicate and shifting partnerships

Repression is frequently fuelled by the hardships of oppressive systems. They also serve as a common enemy, allowing foe armed groups to put their differences aside and work up for a common cause, especially when they see an opportunity.

Eventually, however, move periods generate doubt over political prospects. This may make it challenging for previous allies to maintain unity.

During the revolt against Muammar Gaddafi, some Libyan militias backed the National Transition Council. However, they quickly turned into violent foes in a fight for political sway in Tripoli’s newly formed transitional government.

These innovative forms of violence may appear to be localized turf war in a vacuum of power. However, party leaders frequently make an effort to get themselves a better position because the federal level offers political spoils.

In contrast, these weaker militias may be prone to changing loyalties so as to close up on the winning side when strong factions fight for national energy in the presence of several smaller and more concentrated militias.

Fighting in Libya throughout 2017 exhibited this kind of unscrupulous flip-flopping. Local militias like the Kiniyat Brigade switched affiliations to a rival Tripoli-based foe group that claimed to represent the country’s genuine government.

South Sudan’s issue has long been characterized as having an racial component. The main competitor officials, Salva Kiir and Riek Machar, belonged to the country’s two largest ethnic parties, Dinka and Nuer. However, this obscures a more corporate and intricate alliance constellation.

Many of the organizations that have fought against Kiir are racial Dinkas, and evil opposite, as a result of interests shifting as each leader gains a foothold. Conflicts between Machar-held troops and a co-ethnic splinter group known as Kitgwang, which opposes his authority, have been some of the most recent instances of violence.

According to fluid and shifting coalitions, many reports from foreign observers and mediators have documented the problems of facilitating and maintaining a steady agreement on the terms of the transition in these nations.

Armed parties in Syria have already shown like tendencies. The Military Operations Command, the coalition of Arab opposition parties that brought down Assad’s program, exists in title simply.

While previous coalitions supported by Turkey and the US have merged and splintered over time, the dominant group, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham ( HTS), is itself an amalgam of at least four distinct militias.

Ahmed al-Sharaa, the Units leader, has stated that all rebel groups likely “be disbanded and the soldiers will be trained to join the ranks of the security government.” However, history suggests that a rival is likely to come from one of these alliances to contest the legality of HTS’s declare to guide the transition.

For smaller parties forced to choose a area, this will add a fresh element of uncertainty.

Looking ahead to primaries

Yet where a steady intermediate partnership may be upheld, peace may finally get threatened by the result of a winner-takes-all election. In post-Amin Uganda, the two party officials who overthrew him held important jobs in a transitory power-sharing state. Violence was avoided for as long as they were in power.

But when votes produced a distinct gain for Milton Obote in 1980, his foe, Yoweri Museveni, relaunched his revolution. Uganda’s so-called tree war may continue until 1986, when Museveni’s troops took the capital, Kampala, by force.

Ethiopia’s post-war move fared somewhat better after the triumph of an&nbsp, allied insurgent assault&nbsp, on the autocratic Derg program in 1991. The majority of Ethiopia’s insurgent groups had clear and distinct ethno-territorial foundations, and as a result, the new constitution created an tribal region in a federal system, devolving power to racial regions.

If local or regional elections had been held second, would that have allowed former rebels to stake out a political stake in favor of them rather than solely relying on results from national elections?

Unfortunately, however, at least two uprisings returned to low-level crime throughout the 1990s, accusing the new state of exclusion and attempts to undermine their political profitability.

In any case, independence appears improbable in Syria. The majority of the country’s militias, aside from the northeast’s Kurdish separatists, have less apparent connections to particular statistical groups and frequently overlap in their spheres of influence.

The national-level social game will continue to be in high stakes and susceptible to aggressive forms of conflict because HTS is now calling for a consolidated condition with no federal areas.

Chelsea Johnson is professor in international relations, University of Liverpool

This content was republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original post.

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The threat of wonderful power conflict, thought by some to be a remnant of the 20th century, has been powerfully resurrected by the war in Ukraine.

A new, possibly more complex, theater for this opposition is emerging in Central Asia as the dust settles on the fast repercussions of this conflict.

Central Asia serves as a possible focus point where the interests of Russia, China, and the United States are extremely intertwined with frequently palpable tension, despite observers ‘ long-recognized the state’s geopolitical significance.

Crucially, unlike other contested places, two of these capabilities share broad borders with the location, adding a level of physical contact that intensifies the stakes.

Central Asia, comprising Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, finds itself at a critical moment.

Generally a crossroads of dynasties, the state’s post-Soviet freedom has been marked by a delicate balancing act, navigating the effects of its strong companions.

However, the lack of a strong, indigenous method of social security leaves it vulnerable. The region’s dispersed political and economic landscape creates a political vacuum that big powers are extremely excited to complete, often dubbed the least included region on earth.

Despite appearing to be a weakness, this lack of a unified local identity ironically presents both a challenge and an opportunity to withstand the currents of intense power conflict.

The integration of interests is apparent. Central Asia continues to be a vital transit point, a buffer against perceived European intrusion, and a vital sphere of influence for Russia.

The conflict in Ukraine, while straining Moscow’s sources, has instantly highlighted the importance of its “near internationally” for financial sustenance and other trade routes.

Central Asia serves as the foundation of China’s continental connectivity, a source of essential resources, and a crucial component of its westward expansion, according to its Belt and Road Initiative ( BRI ).

Despite going through a period of fluctuating engagement, the United States still has interests in preventing the unchallenged dominance of either Russia or China in this strategically important region. It also maintains interests in fighting terrorism, supporting democratic governance, with a waning emphasis.

This integration of these great strength passions, however, is not essentially harmless. The potential for tension is evident. Russia, weakened by the Ukraine conflict, is afraid of China’s growing financial and possible social impact.

While recent language emphasizes collaboration, the long-term repercussions of China’s ascension in the region are a source of uneasiness in Moscow. On the other hand, the US is concerned that Russia and China might impose more oppressive policies and restrict the political place in Central Asia.

Network projects, security cooperation agreements and even social exchanges have become arenas for delicate, but important, power projection. Without a strong regional framework, these competing interests risk escalating into a modern-day” Great Game”, albeit with more actors and more complex dynamics.

Herein lies the potential saving grace: the C5 1 framework. The five Central Asian states and the United States are paired together in this diplomatic platform, which provides a unique opportunity for informal collective action while maintaining the flexibility that individual states need to interact with all external powers.

Unlike rigid security alliances that would inevitably alienate at least one major player, the C5 1 provides a venue for dialogue, coordination on issues of mutual concern ( such as border security, economic development, and environmental challenges ) and, crucially, a platform for the Central Asian states to articulate their collective interests.

The strength of the C5 1 lies in its informality. It enables countries in Central Asia to communicate with the US without being directly in the crosshairs of Russia or China. In addition, it gives the US a place to establish itself and exert influence in the area despite its explicit military responsibilities.

This adaptable structure can be used to increase one’s resilience against excessive pressure from one great power. The C5 1 can help to create a stronger sense of regional identity by promoting intra-regional cooperation on practical issues, making Central Asia less susceptible to serve as a launching pad for external rivalries.

However, the C5 1 is not a panacea. Its viability depends on the persistence of all parties and the ability of the Central Asian states to put forth a front that is unwavering. Its potential may be undermined by internal divisions and varying degrees of alignment with external powers.

Beyond primarily addressing economic and developmental concerns, the framework must evolve to include more nuanced discussions on security and strategic autonomy.

Central Asia is positioned as a region ripe for intensified great power competition in the post-Ukraine landscape. In the absence of effective regional integration and collective security measures, external actors are eager to make use of vulnerabilities.

Yet within this challenge lies an opportunity. With its inherent flexibility and inclusive nature, the C5 1 framework provides a promising platform for encouraging collective action and giving Central Asian states the ability to navigate this complex environment.

Central Asia’s future will depend largely on the viability and evolution of frameworks like the C5 1 in shaping a future in which cooperation, rather than competition, determines its course, or whether it becomes merely a center for great power rivalry or a region that successfully exploits its strategic location to its own advantage.

Understanding and constructive dialogue with this dynamic will be essential for policymakers in Washington, Beijing, and Moscow to ensure stability and prosperity, not just for Central Asia but for the wider Eurasian landmass.

The Maqsut Narikbayev Institute for Networking and Development ( MIND ) in Astana, Kazakhstan, is home to Miras Zhiyenbayev, the head of the foreign policy and international studies program.

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Okinawa&nbsp, isn’t in the media so many these days. &nbsp, Chinese&nbsp, attempts to grab&nbsp, Philippine&nbsp, country and smother&nbsp, Taiwan&nbsp, get the most interest. That doesn’t suggest Okinawa is any less important.

A familiar British author who writes about international affairs just turned to Okinawa. He completed some research before asking a few questions.

Some are admirable, but others are accurate reflections of widespread misunderstandings about Okinawa that are even perpetuated by some Taiwanese authorities and activists. Here’s my attempt to set him right.

Geostrategic Value

What is Okinawa’s existing importance in terms of potential Chinese anger, and what part does it perform geopolitically?

Okinawa ( and other territories that are part of the district ) are geopolitical landscape. &nbsp, They form part of the&nbsp, First&nbsp, Island Chain&nbsp, that blocks the Chinese People’s Liberation Army ( PLA )’s easy access to the Pacific Ocean. &nbsp,

Similar to how important outposts on and in Okinawa are for both American and Japanese military operations, both defensive and offensive. From dynamic warfare to intelligence gathering and targeting.

What kind of effects might an war by China have on Okinawa?

Operations defending Taiwan would require US and Japanese foundations on Okinawa and other locations in the Ryukyus. &nbsp, But, they are also likely Army target if the Taiwanese attack Taiwan. &nbsp,

What would a Chinese attack on Taiwan do to all of Japan, in addition to that problem?

If powerful, it may help the PRC to remove and occupy Japan. And it might stifle and possibly damage the Japan-US defense partnership, which is the foundation of the wider social alliance.

US Bases on Okinawa

How do Okinawans feel about basic military operations and the development of Henoko, a US military foundation? &nbsp,

Depending on who you ask, it depends. &nbsp, Governor&nbsp, Denny Tamaki&nbsp, may say that “all” Okinawans oppose the foundations. That is, of course, unfounded. Then, just “anti-base” candidates may win Okinawa votes. They don’t. The “pro-base” individuals are doing rather well lately. &nbsp,

Furthermore, if Tamaki’s claim was true, there would be popular and regular protests. There haven’t been for years and there aren’t.

When considering the “protesters”, most are older individuals and many are from outdoors Okinawa. Younger Okinawans are most concerned about having kids, taking care of elderly relatives, and getting along with life. The foundations are, by and large, only part of the wood.

The foundation is primarily supported by the people of Henoko, the town where the new US Marine atmosphere service is being constructed. &nbsp, This gets much attention. &nbsp,

Realize that in other parts of Okinawa Prefecture – say, farther down the network– there is also substantial support for the Japan&nbsp, Self Defense Force&nbsp, ( JSDF) and even the US military presence – to protect from China. &nbsp,

In some places, Chinese fishermen can no longer access standard fishing basis because of harassment from the&nbsp, China Coast Guard&nbsp, and Chinese fish and&nbsp, sea militia&nbsp, ships. Visitors want the JSDF to be sent to their defenses by the authorities to do something.

Why has the departure, mainly limited drawback, of the US army never been realized?

The British troops have, in fact, withdrawn, and there are much fewer compared to 40-50 centuries ago. &nbsp, Even, more are leaving – with the shift of hundreds of Marines to Guam really getting underway. &nbsp,

The number of US military installations on Okinawa has also decreased. And the coaching activities&nbsp, US forces&nbsp, can do are also constrained. However, to train to support Japan, the US causes often have to keep Japan. &nbsp,

In the end, the Japanese state wants the Americans to support Japan. &nbsp, However, the central government has very generally declined to properly support the Americans officially. It favors relying on US forces as a cushion to deal with problems from Okinawa. &nbsp,

Saving area and people&nbsp,

Would the locals believe they are getting enough aid from the Tokyo state?

Again, it depends on the neighborhood’s people you speak with. &nbsp, Some do, some don’t. Even those in power like Governor Tamaki and the “anti-base” antagonism are aware of how generously compensated they are for keeping the bases. And all they have to do is” complain” .&nbsp,

The key government has for many years provided direct support payments of anywhere between US$ 1 and US$ 1 billion annually. That’s a lot of money for a little people. &nbsp, You’d consider the isle of Okinawa may be laid in gold.

One very wonders, what happened to all the income? The state of Okinawa does not require audit requests. More than a few Tokyo Diet people may share the same feelings.

Why does it seem like there are more hostilities on the island?

They aren’t rising. European writers frequently, if not always, have a tendency to interpret Okinawa’s situation differently. Nevertheless, Chinese subversion is encouraging a smaller group of rowdy local activists to protest the&nbsp, military bases&nbsp, and the Japanese military presence, and incessantly calling for ‘ independence.’

Regarding the effect of China, one may question Governor Tamaki about his travels to the PRC. &nbsp,

Is there a predominance of US defense personnel who are convicted of crimes and given resistance?

No. US staff who behave improperly are punished by either the Chinese or US government. They are not granted resistance. &nbsp, &nbsp,

When the US military damages the setting, how is accountability handled?

Over the past 30 years, the Americans have been sympathetic about these concerns. &nbsp, They try not to poison, and if they do, they clean it up. Go back in time and remember that no one, either Japanese or Americans, was as careful about climate pollutants as they should have been. &nbsp, The “pollution” debate is often used by the anti-base group and by other Okinawans trying to shake down the central authorities for money.

Why is Okinawa’s standard of living said to be among the lowest in Japan?

This isn’t correct. &nbsp, The standard of living is, in reality, very great – and Okinawa is one of the more prosperous-looking regions. It has an atmosphere of strength– even if it’s just a” sugar large” from central government obligations. If you travel around Japan and explore weary, decaying provincial towns, you’ll know.

One may question why Okinawan’s educational standards are lower and the market is more diverse. Probably because central government funding causes a lack of creativity or intensity in the leadership of the local authorities.

Some of them believe that it’s simpler to collect monthly payments from the government than to entice businesses that did offer opportunities to young people in particular. &nbsp,

The central government of Japan was contribute more to the country. For instance, they might alter the rules to make Taiwan’s economy and trade more enticing, for instance, and create new business opportunities. &nbsp,

Grant Newsham, a resigned US Marine captain, is the publisher of&nbsp,” When China Attacks: A Warning to America”.

With type authority, this article originally appeared on JAPAN Forward. Read the original below.

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