China’s push into Africa makes good strategic sense – Asia Times

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China’s relation with Africa is set to strengthen. At a conference in Beijing in early September, China’s leader, Xi Jinping, pledged to offer US$ 51 billion in money, funding and assistance to the globe over the next three decades, as well as upgrading diplomatic ties.

Beijing’s near relationship with Africa is not fresh. The first international trip of the year for Taiwanese foreign officials has almost always been to one or more African nations since 1950. However, Xi’s commitments are also certain to raise questions in the US and other Eastern nations, which are competing with China for worldwide influence.

They might even rekindle concerns that China might use “debt-trap diplomacy” to stifle American nations and thus gain control over them. Such is the power of this tale that South Africa’s leader, Cyril Ramaphosa, felt compelled to refuse it at the conference.

The notion of Taiwanese debt traps, especially the renowned circumstance of Sri Lanka’s port of Hambantota, which, in 2017, the Sri Lankan government leased to a Chinese firm to increase liquidity, has been debunked many times.

However, it is crucial to know what China hopes to achieve with diplomacy as American populations and economies expand and China’s relationship with them continues to grow.

China’s wedding with Africa is proper as well as economical. China’s diplomatic ties with Africa help it succeed in its goals of being a major player in a unipolar world, whether it is improving access to resources, increasing global use of its currency, or winning more vote at the UN.

The longer game

From a strictly financial view, Africa is a potentially profitable market for China. The potential for growth into Africa is enormous for Chinese companies because of its underserved industry and booming population.

This is especially true now that the African Continental Free Trade Area, which was established in 2018, opens the door to the development of cross-border price bars in Africa.

Natural tools make up the majority of the products that China exports from Africa. Many of these sources have proper importance, for instance, in manufacturing batteries. In return, Taiwanese firms export a wide range of items to Africa, including manufactured goods, industrial and agricultural machinery, and automobiles.

In terms of foreign direct investment, Chinese companies are still only the fifth-largest investors in Africa after their Dutch, French, US and UK counterparts. However, their ascent has been relatively quick, and Chinese companies have made significant investments in manufacturing and construction in addition to Western ones.

Chinese companies are major players in the construction industry in Africa, frequently working on projects that are funded by loans from Chinese banks to African governments. In 2019, for example, Chinese contractors accounted for about 60 % of the total value of construction work in Africa.

Some of China’s infrastructure projects have had little impact on Africa’s trade or economic development. And it has, admittedly, also contributed to the increased debt burden of several African countries.

The construction of the Nairobi Expressway was supposed to decongest Kenya’s capital city, Nairobi. &nbsp, Photo: Daniel Irungu / EPA via The Conversation

For instance, the expensive expressways that connect Nairobi in Kenya and Kampala in Uganda to the respective international airports have made life easier for city elites and tourists. However, they have not stimulated economic growth.

China has therefore made the recent move to reevaluate its infrastructure finance strategy. In 2021, Xi introduced the concept of” small and beautiful” projects better targeted at the partner country’s needs – a concept he repeated at the recent summit.

It is this alignment with the demands of African leaders that sets China’s engagement with Africa apart from that of the West. Many African leaders ‘ top demands include investment in manufacturing value chains and the importation of African processed goods rather than just raw resources.

Xi’s keynote speech addressed these two concerns. He vowed to increase investment in key industries and to allow for more free-flowing African goods.

China’s support to African nations is political as well as economic. African leaders have been appreciative of its non-interference in the country’s internal affairs, in stark contrast to Western nations, who frequently base their support on the respect of particular social or economic conditions.

This has, in turn, bolstered China’s diplomatic influence on the continent. How many nations maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan, which the Chinese government views as being part of its territory, is a good indicator of this influence. Only Eswatini and Taiwan have close ties in Africa, and only a small number of other nations have representative offices.

Another Chinese goal is to expand the global reach of its currency, the renminbi. Its goal is to contest the US dollar’s dominance, which gives America complete control over all international transactions.

Since the late 2000s, the People’s Bank of China has signed bilateral swap agreements with Morocco, Egypt, Nigeria and South Africa to conduct transactions in renminbi. Additionally, China wants to increase the renminbi’s use in official lending, both through regional institutions like the New Development Bank and domestic banks like the China Development Bank.

Much like Africa’s Western partners, China pursues both political and economic interests in its dealings with the continent. But, with Western leaders paying little attention to Africa, China does n’t need to pursue debt-trap diplomacy to increase its influence there. To gain ground, it only needs to submit a stronger partnership offer.

The International Economic Development Group, ODI, has a senior research fellow named Linda Calabrese.

This article was republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Hezbollah’s pagers explode in pocket in Lebanon and Syria – Asia Times

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On September 17, encrypted pagers that Hezbollah and its supporters in Lebanon and Syria used simultaneously exploded. &nbsp, &nbsp,

The Lebanon and Egyptian connections in Lebanon and Syria relied heavily on the pagers. It has now been completely destroyed, killing eight Hezbollah and Iranians connected to them, including Iran’s adviser to Lebanon, who was also hurt. At least 2, 800 were also hurt.

We may likely find out more about how some pagers exploded in the coming days. Video of some of the pagers exploding and of hospitals crowded with patients ( See below ) are currently available. Hezbollah has blamed Israel for the activity, according to media reports.

It will be hard for Hezbollah to launch organized missile attacks on Israel because they have done so late as late as the last few days due to the lack of communication on public cellular phones. That does not mean they wo n’t try, of course, but the shutdown of their communications system is a definite setback. &nbsp, &nbsp,

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If Israel launched the attack, which has not been confirmed, it would indicate that Israel is ( 1 ) retaliating against Hezbollah attacks and ( 2 ) trying to halt Lebanon’s military operations if Israel launches an attack as many projects will soon occur.

Particulars of exactly how this achievement was accomplished&nbsp, are still under wraps. According to media reports, the pagers reportedly exploded as a result of overheating their lithium batteries. &nbsp, This means that while the pagers sent and received encrypted communications, their operating systems were never stable.

One of our audience has a fear that the pagers were altered and filled with explosives while they were being transported. When reviewing the most recent movies, it appears as though the products have detonated.

This suggests that the procedure against Hezbollah was carried out over a period of time, with expert knowledge and exposure to pagers ‘ locations or checkpoints.

Yahya Ayyash, a Hamas explosive producer, died in Gaza City in 1996 when his mobile phone exploded while he was speaking to his father in the West Bank on a regular basis. It was a qualified death by the Shin Bet, Israel’s domestic security services. If this is a duplicate effectiveness on a large size, it would be exceptional.

Text and speech can be used to encrypted pages, or wording only. &nbsp, Many of them, perhaps US models, are made in Asia. &nbsp, China offers a number of types.

It is likely that Hezbollah’s pagers were double voice-text products, meaning they were bigger than little text pagers and resembled walkie-talkies. To assist voice communications and extend the range of operations, these devices may have a larger lithium battery.

One assumes, so, that it was possible to harm the pagers with malware that could bypass heat settings inside the pagers and” make” the chargers.

Lithium-ion chargers are prone to blast. Surprisingly, devices have gone off perhaps on airplanes. Heat is one way to ignite a battery, although there are other techniques.

But more is involved. &nbsp, It is clear that while the pagers were encrypted, their indicators could still be tracked, meaning that it was possible to identify the Hezbollah workers and those cooperating with them, particularly Iranians, who were part of the network. &nbsp,

It is likely even pagers belonging to Hezbollah-linked jihadists and their officials were targeted. There are no information, as yet, of residents such as initial firefighters experiencing exploding pagers.

The US and Israeli assault on Iran’s uranium enhancement centrifuges in 2010 was the most recent instance of this kind of attack that we are aware of.

The centrifuges ‘ devices sped up too quickly, leading to their breaking down and the disintegration of their spinning carbon-carbon rotors, according to the Stuxnet computer worm. &nbsp, So far as is known, there were no deaths in the Stuxnet strike. &nbsp,

A pager is safer to use than a cell phone by nature because it is basically a television and is not connected to social media or the internet.

Pagers, however, require repeat stations, which allow an attack to electronically collect intelligence from signals and, in the most recent instance, supposedly to change the software on working pagers. &nbsp,

The Hezbollah network’s coverage of Lebanon and Syria suggests that it was a sizable and extensive system. Who provided the pagers and what communications manufacturers assisted Hezbollah in developing the system, and what they were.

Stephen Bryen is Asia Times ‘ top journalist. He also served as the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee’s team director and its deputy secretary of defense for policy. &nbsp,

This&nbsp, article&nbsp, was initially published on his&nbsp, Weapons and Strategy&nbsp, Substack, and is republished with authority.

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US putting stealth before speed in hypersonic missile race – Asia Times

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The US is betting on its newest cunning long-range hit weapon, which will significantly improve its arsenal of missiles and stand out from its near-peer rivals in terms of fast styles.

This month, The War Zone reported US defense contractor Lockheed Martin has unveiled the AGM-158 Extreme Range (XR ) Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile ( JASSM) variant at the Air Force Association’s Air, Space &amp, Cyber 2024 event near Washington, DC.

The XR version, designed to meet the evolving needs of warfighters, features a spread aircraft to provide more gas, a feature that extends its range to about 1, 600 kilometers, close to the Tomahawk missile.

The War Zone review notes that this improvement allows for modern integration and inline upgrades because of the modularity of the production lines. The report says the AGM-158 XR may have a 450-kilogram weapon and give a long-range, survivable hit ability against highly-defended targets, especially in the Pacific theater.

It mentions that the low-observable style and superior targeting systems increase its potency in deep fight environments.

Lockheed Martin targets a generation target of 1, 100 weapons per month, which could be used in several aircraft, including aircraft, soldiers and cargo planes. The XR variant, according to The War Zone, is anticipated to lower fuel requirements and speed up operations, giving the US government and its allies important advantages.

Testing of the AGM-158 XR is anticipated to commence in the coming years. The AGM-158 XR aims to address inadequacies in selection, endurance, and secrecy that legacy weapons like the Harpoon and Tomahawk then struggle to match against modern challenges.

Asia Times noted in April 2023 that the Harpoon, the US Navy’s major anti-ship weapon for many years, is obsolete, slow and fast countered by current weapon defenses because its assistance system lacks accuracy.

To help the weapon in locating targets in challenging coastal environments, the Harpoon Block II improve package addresses these shortcomings by including a new GPS device and trip control system. It even features a two-way datalink for mid-flight advertising and a possible infrared wanderer for all-weather features.

Still, the Harpoon might not have the necessary range and penetration capabilities for aircraft and warships to remain outside China’s anti-access/area-denial ( A2/AD ) zone.

The Harpoon’s major flaw is its limited access to appropriate launch platforms other than carrier-based ones, which may make it necessary for US Navy carriers to operate closer to the major battle area, putting these highly beneficial ships in danger. Its short range of 128 kilometers for standard versions and limited availability on compatible launch platforms.

Furthermore, its limited range and non-stealthy design may reduce its effectiveness against advanced adversaries in specific environments. Additionally, its active radar seeker and lack of stealth capabilities could aid in enemy ship defenses.

The Tomahawk is prone to increasingly advanced air defenses launched by US near-peer adversaries like China and Russia despite having a long range and a powerful warhead. However, its non-stealth design and subsonic speed make it vulnerable to these advances.

In the wake of China and Russia’s ongoing hypersonic weapons war, the US’s decision to develop a stealthy, subsonic anti-ship missile may indicate that the US has a completely different design philosophy when creating such advanced ship-killing munitions.

Fabian Hoffman and Douglas Barrie discuss the issue of speed and stealth in the design of anti-ship missiles in an article from the International Institute of Strategic Studies ( IISS) published in October 2021.

Hoffman and Barrie mention that while China and Russia favor high-speed missiles like the YJ-21 and Zircon, others, including the US and Europe, prioritize subsonic missiles with advanced maneuverability and low signatures.

In an April 2023 article for Air &amp, Space Forces Magazine, David Roza explains why the US took the latter approach in designing its next-generation anti-ship missiles. According to Rosa, the fast-paced nature of hypersonic weapons makes them more difficult to spot, such as plasma wakes and chemical reactions.

He mentions that these weapons leave distinctive light wavelengths and plumes that sophisticated sensors could track. Rosa also points out that the use of a wide range of sensors, including space-based sensors that can detect ultraviolet and hyperspectral light, makes use of hypersonic weapon’s unique weaknesses to improve missile defense capabilities.

In an April 2024 article for The Debrief, Micah Hanks points out that stealthy anti-ship missiles have a low radar cross-section and a low infrared signature, making it challenging for enemy defenses to detect and intercept them.

Hanks says semi-autonomous guidance systems reduce dependency on external intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance platforms, ensuring effectiveness in intense electromagnetic warfare environments.

He adds that the capability to coordinate attacks through data sharing among multiple missiles provides swarm capabilities, allowing for coordinated, high-precision strikes.

The US may not be able to produce enough of these weapons in order to have a significant impact on potential regional conflicts in the Taiwan Strait or South China Sea, despite the advanced capabilities that might be present aboard the AGM-158 XR.

The US is facing numerous significant challenges in producing precision-guided munitions ( PGM ), with the production of JASSM missiles and Tomahawk Block Vs taking up to two years.

Further, due to workforce and supply chain constraints, the US defense industry struggles to increase production. Companies need stable contracts and clearer demand signals to invest in production, but the US Department of Defense’s ( DOD )’s ( DOD ) irregular orders only make things worse.

The US defense sector faces challenges because it relies on single-source sources for crucial components like rocket motors and missile energy. Additionally, there are vulnerabilities in the global supply chain, especially concerning the reliance on China for rare-earth metals.

Regulatory obstacles, including restrictive Foreign Military Sales ( FMS ) policies and International Traffic in Arms Regulations ( ITAR ), hinder the sale of arms to important allies, affecting the US defense industry’s capacity to increase production effectively.

And while coordinating the production of advanced weapons with allies can increase output, synchronizing their industrial capabilities with US military standards may pose challenges in synchronizing production and lead to potential operational delays.

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Autocracy Inc: the authoritarian club plotting to defeat the West – Asia Times

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Many liberals proclaimed triumph for democracy and a “rules-based foreign order” three decades ago. However, the majority of the world’s population currently reside in nations that are only partly free or are subject to some form of authoritarian rule.

Why are monarchies growing? In her new book, Autocracy, Inc, Pulitzer prize success Anne Applebaum provides an truth: there is a “network” among the world’s demagogues, who use the secret roads of our connected world to farther their aims and destroy politics.

Autocracy, Inc is a team of tyrants and their state, Applebaum writes. Like the concept of “autocracy” itself, this integration is soft and smooth. The team’s members are unrestricted by any intellectual kinship or legal structure.

Among them are hard dictatorships ( like Belarus, China, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation ), and hybrid illiberal democracies or softer autocracies ( like Turkey, Singapore, India, the Philippines and Hungary ).

For some reason, Applebaum does not give a similar amount of attention to the hybrid systems or the Muslim kingdoms ( which do not get the close of politics ).

According to Applebaum, deals, no principles, pull the autocrats up. Their partnership is based on a common desire for power and wealth. They square off against a dwindling number of republics, which they use every means to try to overthrow.

At times, this fight leads to war, while in Ukraine. To Applebaum, Russia’s war against Ukraine is the first challenge in a larger battle. It is a result of” a conscious effort to undermine the community of ideas, rules, and treaties” that have shaped the democratic world order, which is now almost extinct.

Are they really all in conspiracy?

However, though beautifully written, this guide barely lives up to the high standards Applebaum’s visitors have come to expect. She does not provide substantial proof that autocrats maintain expert plans or coordinate their actions consistently. Her solutions are often media reports, around which she drafts realistic beliefs.

In Applebaum’s tale, the autocrats change visits, desire power, hate democratic principles and politics, help each other survive through media adjustment, and tell each other the “dark artwork of sanctions evasion”.

For instance, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela could not be more distinct from the Islamic Republic of Iran, but these two people of Autocracy Inc. find common ground in anti-Americanism,” shared grievance”, and” a expressed interest in secret gas sales”.

By extension, it seems like all the other members are in cahoots too. But are they? The autocrats ‘ unity is hampered by their own constantly conflicting interests. Their malfeasance is limited by their incompetence.

The main flaw in Applebaum’s analysis is that her theory’s contradictions do n’t show up. Too much of the book’s progresses through omission and confusion. It often patches up observed plausibilities with the author’s own idealism, presenting them as certainties.

The autocracies, says Applebaum, not only keep tabs on the progress of the club members, but also time” their own moves to create maximum chaos”.

Due to the opposition of “minorities with deep Russian ties, led by Viktor Orban in Hungary and a few MAGA Republicans in Congress,” additional aid to Ukraine slowed in the European Union and the United States in the autumn of 2023. At the same time, Applebaum writes, Iranian-backed Hamas conducted a terrorist attack against Israel.

To me, it is not clear who the “minorities” were, nor the nature of their alleged ties to Russia. More importantly, Applebaum does not tell us why Iran would attempt to aid the anti-Ukrainian efforts of these minorities.

Applebaum is well aware that her theory may not be as crystal clear as it may seem. She acknowledges that” there are no “blocks” to join and no Berlin Walls separating neat geographic areas.”

Yet bloc thinking persists. Applebaum never asks whether the autocrats have the capacity – logistical, psychological, military or otherwise – to mount a coordinated attack on” the West”.

Autocracies do this because they continue to collaborate strategically with the nations they despise. China accounts for the majority of West’s production, and Russia continues to sell natural resources that are later re-sold.

Autocracies remain transactional. They react to any intrusion into their own perceived sphere of power, regardless of the political party or movement it is affiliated with, and not just from the “liberals.”

An account of the “gray zone”

For a non-specialist audience, Autocracy Inc. presents an intriguing, if morbid, exposé of the “grey zone” autocrats operate. At times, Applebaum makes an interesting point, only to drop it later on.

Applebaum devotes some time to the future Russian president Vladimir Putin, who was then Saint Petersburg’s deputy mayor, in relation to the post-1991 era of business expansion in Eastern Europe. According to her, even then, Putin had a” close-knit cabal” around him, biding his time to restore an authoritarian regime.

During the 1990s, the future autocrat was exposed to the double standards of Western democracies. These democracies were only too happy to aid in the establishment of illiberal regimes abroad as long as there was money.

However, the useful discussion of the underlying role of Western hypocrisy falls flat on the next page. What remains unanswered is the question of whether Putin is an idealist, a cynic, a pragmatist or all of these.

There have been many” Putins” throughout Putin’s career, as he has adapted and changed to the power constellations that surround him, according to Philip Short’s meticulous account of his career.

In Applebaum’s book, a lot of emphasis is placed on how autocracies appear to be sharing media tropes and supporting one another. The book’s most substantial section is centered around this.

StarTimes, China’s media and satellite television provider, helped Russia Today, a satellite network, avoid its widespread expulsion after the Ukraine war, and it continues to offer it to customers. Autocracies also echo each other’s thematic presentation of events, what Applebaum calls “information-laundering”.

Although the chapters are undoubtedly interesting in terms of content, they do not go far enough to inquire about how propaganda antennae spread their message. Applebaum does not address how – and most importantly, why – autocratic media manage to convince people in Latin America, the Middle East or Africa of their anti-Western ( and in every sense anti-democratic ) views.

Clearly, the “great movement for democracy” and grassroots activism – which Applebaum is fond of – are not inspiring enough for those people. Potentially, their lack of inspiration is a byproduct of the autocratic propaganda that instills cynicism and nihilism in those countries, an effect Applebaum illuminates.

The Russian media’s audience, for example, is bombarded by a range of false versions of major events, one so wide it is impossible to grasp. The cacophony leads to hopelessness, says Applebaum. But young people in liberal democracies, too, display a palpable hopelessness and disbelief in a better future, and even in the system itself.

A war against authoritarian behaviors

According to Applebaum, the fight against autocracy is not fought against a particular nation or bloc. Rather, it is a war against authoritarian behaviors.

Applebaum calls for solidarity, unity and coalition building, along with sanctions against offending countries. A network of lawyers and anti-corruption activists should help, she says. “Economic warriors” who can track sanctions in real time should set the record straight. This certainly means more exposure of autocracies, and probably more sanctions.

Applebaum never questions the efficacy of sanctions, their contribution to autocrats ‘ propaganda messages and, most importantly, their human cost. Autocrats have the option of avoiding sanctions regimes. Their beleaguered citizens, though, often cannot. Propaganda appanchists never fail to make the most of this.

For instance, in late 2023, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov disputed a statement made by Finnish Foreign Minister Elina Valtonen, who stated that she “minced no words” to describe the sanctions ‘ intended effects on regular people.

I share Applebaum’s preference for liberal democracy and its renewed defense, which she articulates well in her book’s final pages. Due to the policies of the past three decades, the world is noticeably smaller. Globalization worked only too well, tying everybody – good, bad and neutral – into one interconnected whole.

Reading Applebaum’s book, it might seem as if” they” are winning. But this is almost certainly an overstatement. In the hopes of obtaining a Venezuelan or Iranian passport, migrants are not attempting to cross the borders of autocratic nations.

Instead, there is mass migration to Australia, America, Canada and Europe. The debates about the number of people entering the US through its southern border are political hot topics that have significant electoral impact.

It is obvious that The West has a strong product in the market. Autocracies will not go extinct, but neither will they win at large. In some places in the world, “democracy” will remain a slur.

Oleg Beyda is the University of Melbourne’s Hansen Lecturer in Russian history.

This article was republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Biobots pushing boundaries of life, death and medicine – Asia Times

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Traditional beliefs about life and death are incompatible. However, the development of new complex life forms from dead cell tissues opens up a” third position” that extends beyond the traditional restrictions of life and death.

Typically, scientists believe that suicide is the inevitable stoppage of an organism’s overall functioning. However, practices such as tissue payment emphasize how organs, tissues and cells can continue to work even after an individual’s demise. This endurance raises the question: What mechanisms keep some cells active after an organism has passed away?

We are scientists who study what transpires within living things after they pass away. In a recently published evaluation, we explain how some cells can develop into complex organisms with novel functions when given nutrients, oxygen, bioelectricity, or biochemical cues.

Lifestyle, death and development of anything new

The second state challenges the way that cell behavior is commonly understood by scientists. While moths metamorphosing into insects, or newts evolving into insects, may be common development modifications, there are few occasions where microorganisms change in ways that are not predetermined.

HeLa cells, as well as cancers, organoids, and mobile lines that may divide indefinitely in a petri dish are not regarded as second states because they do not acquire new abilities.

However, researchers discovered that body cells from dying frog eggs were able to adapt to the new conditions in a petri dish by reprogramming them into multicellular organisms, called xenobots.

These animals displayed behaviors that go beyond their original physiological functions. Specifically, these xenobots use their flagella – little, hair-like structures – to understand and proceed through their surroundings, whereas in a life frog blastocyst, cilia are commonly used to move fluid.

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Xenobots may move, cure, and communicate with their surroundings on their own.

Xenobots can also carry out kinetic self-replication, which means they can literally recreate their structure and function without growing. This contrasts with more prevalent synthesis procedures that involve organism-specific system or organ development.

Additionally, researchers have discovered that single human lung cells can form into small, multicellular organisms that can walk around. These anthrobots act and are shaped in novel way. They are able to navigate their surroundings as well as repair both local hurt neuron cells and themselves.

These findings, taken together, raise the question of how plastic biological systems are and how they can support the notion that cells and organisms can only evolve in preset ways. According to the next state, biological death may have a substantial impact on how life evolves over time.

Microscopy images of a black blob fusing together two groundglass walls in three panels, and a green web plugging a gap in a web of pink
An anthrobot constructs a bridge across a scratched nerve in Diagram A over the course of three weeks. At the conclusion of Day 3, Diagram B shows the” thread” in green. Gumuskaya et cetera. 2023/Advanced Science, CC BY-SA

Postmortem problems

Whether some tissues and cells may live and continue to function after an cell has died depends on a number of factors. These include climate conditions, physiological activity and preservation methods.

Different cell types have different success rates. For instance, in people, white blood cells die between 60 and 86 days after biological death. Skeletal muscle tissues may be regrown in mice after 14 days necropsy, while sheep and goat fibroblast cells can be cultured for up to a fortnight postmortem.

Metabolic activity is crucial to whether cells can continue to work and live. More difficult to society than cells with lower power requirements, effective cells that require a constant and large supply of energy to sustain their functionality. Cryogenics and other survival methods have the ability to function in the same way as bone marrow from living donor sources.

In addition, intrinsic life methods are crucial in whether cells and tissues continue to exist. For example, scientists have observed a considerable increase in the task of stress-related alleles and immune-related genes after biological death, likely to compensate for the loss of balance. Moreover, factors such as trauma, infection and the time elapsed since death significantly affect tissue and cell viability.

Microscopy image of developing white and red blood cells
White blood cells are among the different types of cells that have different survival capacities. Photo: Ed Reschke /Stone via Getty Images / The Conversation

Factors such as age, health, sex and type of species further shape the postmortem landscape. The difficulty of transferring metabolically active islet cells from donors to recipients is illustrated by the difficulty of culturing and transplanting them. Many islet transplant failures are due to autoimmune processes, high energy costs, and the degeneration of protective mechanisms, according to researchers ‘ research.

It is unclear how these interactions enable some cells to function even after an organism has died. One theory is that intricate electrical circuits are made up of specially designed channels and pumps embedded in cells ‘ outer membranes.

These channels and pumps create electrical signals that enable cells to communicate with one another, carry out specific functions like growth and movement, and shape the structure of the organism they form.

It’s unclear how many different cell types can change after death. Previous research has discovered that specific genes involved in stress, immunity, and epigenetic regulation are activated after death in mice, zebrafish, and people, indicating a wide range of cell types ‘ potential for transformation.

Implications for biology and medicine

The third state not only provides fresh insights into the capacity for adaptation of cells. It also offers prospects for new treatments.

For example, anthrobots could be sourced from an individual’s living tissue to deliver drugs without triggering an unwanted immune response. In the future, engineered anthrobots injected into the body may be able to remove excess mucus from cystic fibrosis patients and dissolve arterial plaque in atherosclerosis patients.

Importantly, these multicellular organisms have a finite life span, naturally degrading after four to six weeks. This “kill switch” prevents the growth of potentially invasive cells.

A better understanding of how some cells continue to function and evolve into multicellular entities after an organism’s demise may be useful for developing personalized and preventive medicine.

At City of Hope, Alex Pozhitkov is senior technical lead of bioinformatics, Irell & Manella Graduate School of Biological Sciences, and Peter A. Noble is associate professor of microbiology at University of Washington.

This article was republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Why China is so very vexed about AUKUS – Asia Times

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China has always been vehemently opposed to the relationship, especially since AUKUS’ public notification three years ago. Beijing has socially attacked AUKUS and launched a coordinated strategy to challenge its legality.

China has said AUKUS is “driven by Cold War thinking”, “fuelling defense clash”, and creating “additional nuclear proliferation hazards”.

The aim of AUKUS is for the American army to get nuclear-powered boats, with Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States also collaborating on various superior military technologies.

As AUKUS naysayers have argued, it’s totally possible Australia will never get its planned nuclear-powered assault ships. The agreement might collapse due to a number of factors, including the capricious desires of a future US leader and British shipbuilding constraints.

However, if the program succeeds, even in a modified form, it’ll create a major military obstacle to China. As Kevin Rudd, the former American excellent minister and present embassy to the US, said in recent days, it’s probably now complicating China’s future political calculations.

The political picture is more crowded and distorted when Taiwanese military analysts examine it.

These are three reasons why China finds the agreement so intimidating.

1. Complicating China’s atomic plan

Nuclear weapons will not be used in AUKUS ships. But these ships could be used to harm China’s sea-based nuclear arms.

China now has six nuclear-capable and nuclear-powered boats in operation. These are based on Hainan Island, where dried outposts are present. They can immediately travel to the South China Sea’s strong waters to lessen the chance of being discovered.

One of the most crucial of the many expeditions for the AUKUS boats is likely to be monitoring China’s atomic weapons-capable ships as they leave Hainan Island.

AUKUS submarines would be able to approach the South China Sea quicker because of their faster rate, secrecy, and endurance. When there, they can be “on place” undetected for much longer.

China’s nuclear weapons-capable submarines would benefit from having better knowledge of their hydroacoustic names during peacetime, making these Chinese vessels more susceptible to identification.

Combined with the intelligence gathered by Australia’s ordinary South China Sea maritime air patrols, AUKUS submarines could eventually increase the ability of the American and allied militaries to observe and, in conflict scenarios, attack China’s sea-borne atomic deterrent.

2. a clear danger from China’s military

In connection with AUKUS, Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong has stated that Australia needs to be able to “hold possible adversaries ‘ troops and equipment at risk from a greater distance.”

She might not have mentioned China in the same sentence. Military managers in Beijing, like many Australians, assume that China is their most likely destination.

AUKUS submarines are most likely equipped with Tomahawk cruise missiles that can strike area and are intended to attack Chinese military installations in the South China Sea and along the nation’s eastern coastline.

AUKUS submarines may also restrict China’s entry to the important financial resources for warfighting. Fuel and other sources imports from China are still heavily reliant on the Indian Ocean and East Asian shipping roads.

In conflict settings, AUKUS ships ‘ ability to travel far distances without surface or replenishing could put them at risk against China’s crucial maritime supply roads.

Beijing may also consider whether AUKUS submarines could be used to instantly assault Chinese cities in a global war. This might seem far-fetched for now, but with military preparing usually dealing with worst-case scenarios, Chinese security strategists are definitely considering this possibility.

3. Moreover, tipping the local military balance

In the next ten and a half, Australia is anticipated to purchase at least three, and maybe five, Virginia-class boats from the US.

These boats might not otherwise have entered the US ship, which would mean that the size of the US nuclear-powered submarine force may be smaller than it would have been without AUKUS until 2040 and even beyond.

The political and industrial viability of the anticipated sale of Virginia-class boats and the building of a fresh AUKUS class of boat are also a lot of the open question.

However, assuming it succeeds, AUKUS may significantly increase the number of US and US allies ‘ nuclear-powered ships starting in the 2040s, giving them a long-term underwater military advantage over China.

AUKUS may also facilitate the deployment of more high-end US and allied military platforms in the area in the near future.

Of course, this is n’t just an AUKUS story. In the upcoming times, Australia may encouraged more US bombers and fighter jets, and there will probably be more US troops, among other places, in Japan and the Philippines.

However, the US and allied defense might experience a significant increase following the establishment of Submarine Rotational Force – West in the region as a result of the AUKUS strategy. From 2027, it’s anticipated that one English and four US nuclear-powered boats will be stationed rotationally in Western Australia.

Regardless of what happens when Australia eventually receives and constructs nuclear-powered ships, this may lead to a decline in China’s equivalent underwater strength in the area.

No entirely explained in this article why China may oppose AUKUS. These three aspects alone point to the potential for Beijing to face a significant and long-term military issue.

Benjamin Herscovitch is exploration fellow, School of Regulation and Global Governance, Australian National University

This content was republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original post.

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BRIC by BRIC, de-dollarization only a matter of time – Asia Times

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Donald Trump, the candidate for president of the United States, stepped up his America First campaign earlier this month by promising to impose 100 % tariffs on goods from any country that deviates from the dollar. &nbsp,

Trump did not explain to his supporters that the dollar-protection measure did cause American households to suffer as some consumer goods are likely to cost more than double. Around 70 % of products sold at Walmart and Target are sourced from China, the country at the forefront of de-dollarization.

Trump made his announcement on the day of the very anticipated monthly BRICS conference, scheduled for October 22-24 in Kazan, Russia. The appointment may make an announcement regarding a strategy for the creation of a viable alternative to the current dollar-centric global financial system.

Although more information are still being provided, some observers anticipate that the conference will make an announcement regarding a multicurrency payment system. Some BRICS watchers even anticipate the release of a blueprint for a trading currency with gold backing.

Bretton Woods

For a number of reasons, the development of an alternative to the current money method would be traditional. It may mark the initial legitimate attempt to depart from the Bretton Woods Agreement of 1944, which established the post global financial system.

The money was subject to the predetermined price of gold under Bretton Woods, while all other currencies were fixed at the money. At the so-called golden windows, countries with dollar-denominated trade deficits could exchange their money for gold with the US central banks.

Financial security was achieved by the money system, but almost all of it was controlled by the US. US businesses evolved into the hubs of international commerce. A Chinese company that purchased products from India had to purchase dollars to spend its Indian dealer. The US was able to impose any man, business, or nation on the global financial system thanks to the unified system.

When US President Richard Nixon decoupled the dollar from silver in 1971, Bretton Woods began to unravel. The US chose to close the silver screen rather than compromise its business, efficiently defaulting on its Bretton Woods responsibility, as the country faced rising trade deficits.

The choice had big implications. The US government lost its fiscal discipline after being freed from the restrictions imposed by the gold standard and embarked on a decades-long spending binge. From 1971 to 2024, the US national debt grew from$ 400 billion to$ 35 trillion.

A growing number of prominent economists and business officials have sounded the alarm because servicing the national debt has grown to be the most important line item on the US federal budget, even more so than yearly defence spending. Tesla CEO Elon Musk just warned:” At current levels of government saving, America is in the fast lane to bankruptcy”.

More precisely, the US may immediately work out of lenders willing to buy its debts. In recent years, China has sold US Treasuries worth hundreds of billions, and foreign investors have recently become online retailers of US loan. ( The commonly used term “printing money” actually means issuing debt. )

BRICS versus G7

Even without the US incurring its huge debt, continuous de-dollarization is obvious. The National share of the world economy is rapidly declining.

In 2016, BRICS states overtook the G7 in combined GDP. The group now accounts for 35 % of the world’s output, compared to the G7’s 30 %. China contributes almost twice as much to the world’s industrial output as China alone, nearly twice the US.

There are many different themes, but it’s challenging to design a financial or monetary structures for nations as varied as the BRICS members. Sergei Ryabkov, the deputy foreign secretary of the Russian Federation, just demanded a financial unit akin to the Western Currency Unit (ECU), the euro’s precursor.

The ECU was conceived in 1979 in response to Nixon’s decision to close the silver screen. The German dollar started to shift wildly as it was no more pegged to gold. Therefore, the ECU established a common unit of account that stabilized forex markets.

The “bancor,” a dollar system that economist John Maynard Keynes suggested during the Bretton Woods Conference, is another example of how things are being used.

The bancor was conceived by Keynes as a global unit of account tied to a pantheon of essential goods like oil and grains. This would guarantee that the bancor’s value was determined by real financial resources more than fluctuating national economies.

In an effort to promote healthy global trade, Keynes even suggested sanctions for nations with prolonged trade surpluses or deficits. The US criticized the bancor as troublesome and preventing free business. But today’s severe imbalances—particularly the US’s huge trade deficit with China—validate Keynes’s vision.

An mBridge not too far

China is working with a number of other nations on mBridge, a blockchain-based platform that supports fiscal transactions in several currencies, despite the possibility of a BRICS frequent money in the near future.

Simultaneously developed by the central bankers of China, Thailand, the UAE and Hong Kong, mBridge helps fast, peer-to-peer deals without third-party presence. According to reports, the platform supports Central Bank Digital Currencies ( CBDC ) and uses blockchain technology that is similar to Ethereum.

Cross-border business finance is made more cost-effective and affordable by the mBridge. A Thai firm may exchange rice for a businessman in Singapore in Thai ringgit or any other agreed-upon money. Transactions are quick and do n’t involve third parties. In mBridge, institutions of participating nations are the nodes in the network.

BRICS now comprises nine countries, the initial five members of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa plus Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the UAE. Some have speculated that the gathering might eventually expand to include more than 100 nations, while over 40 extra nations have expressed interest in joining.

However, the BRICS surprised the world last month by announcing that it would quit accepting new people for a short time. No justification was given, but the ice might be related to the difficulty and awareness of developing a new financial infrastructure and its possible worldwide influence.

BRICS has plenty of reasons to tread carefully. Global financial markets could become unstable if only a new monetary system’s future roadmap was announced. Obviously, the group will want to avoid accusations of triggering a financial crisis.

The direction BRICS will take from here will depend on several factors. How aggressively will the US defend the dollar? How will the US address the country’s growing trade and debt problems? What will the country’s increasingly dysfunctional political system do next?

While Trump’s pledge to sanction de-dollarizing nations could be campaign rhetoric, an escalation of America’s sanctions war could trigger a financial reset in response.

BRICS might decide to establish a currency unit that is partially supported by gold and other natural resources, including oil, minerals, and metals. Given that it controls a sizable portion of the world’s natural resources and is able to influence global prices, the group has considerable leverage.

One way to tell BRICS is gearing up for a similar financial reset is its unheard of hoard of gold. BRICS members have purchased gold at record prices in the past two years. Following a financial or monetary crisis, the monetary metal has historically been used to rebalance currencies.

To be sure, a transformation of the now 80-year-old global financial system is inevitable. In a neo-colonial transformation of the British Empire, Bretton Woods modernized the banking system and moved London to New York as the seat of power.

On the other hand, the BRICS will likely work from the ground up to create a new financial system that is based on the demographic and economic realities of the 21st century, rather than the 20th.

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The Abraham Accords are not about Palestinians – Asia Times

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Some experts claim that the Abraham Accords set the stage for Hamas’s assault on Israel on October 7 by setting the stage for peace between Arabs and Israel, putting Palestinians under the bus.

But these peace accords – signed four years ago this month between Israel, on the one hand, and the United Arab Emirates ( UAE), Bahrain and Morocco, on the other – have nothing to do with Palestinians.

The Abraham Accords prioritized national interests and ended 60 years of contentious pan-Arab patriotism, which birthed Palestine.

The institutions that signed the Abraham Accords recognized that serenity with Israel was not dependent on what transpired between the Jewish state and the Palestinians.

The Abraham Accords are now demonstrating their viability 11 times after the Gaza War broke out, despite repeated UN votes against Israel.

In May, Reuters reported that the Gaza warfare had cooled” Israel’s when red-hot business relations with UAE”. Quoting” 10 Jewish leaders, executives and companies”, the news agency argued that Israel’s “business relations with the important Gulf state remain alive but, in a sign of how the conflict has dented enthusiasm, the]two factors ] declined to discuss any new deals”.

The Abraham Accords continue to be blamed for failing to bring harmony to Palestinians. Palestinians and their supporters also anticipate that the Arab League’s 21 member states will hold off on a Palestinians ‘ state until they are granted a position.

Palestinians should also anticipate that the Arabs will have a say in how and when the Israeli-Israeli fight ends, if Palestinians anticipate this.

Absolute Muslim support for an unending conflict threatens the national interests of the various Egyptian nations. However, Palestinians demand support but rarely reciprocate. The Abraham Accords upended this uneven marriage: If Palestinians wanted to fight long, the Arabs had unique ideas.

When the UAE, Bahrain and Morocco signed the treaties, they described their judgement as a” republic” one, not bound by any Arab League commitments. These Muslim nations did so, putting yet another nail in the coffin of anachronistic pan-Arab nationalism.

The idea that all Muslim nations should combine into one is called pan-Arabism. The Arabs of Palestine resisted the British’s establishment of Policy Palestine in 1920 and opted to revert to the Muslim Kingdom of Damascus.

When Jordan and Egypt took the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, respectively, in 1949, Palestinians did not declare Palestine on this territory because such a state would have been the antithesis of their imagined single Arab nation “from the]Atlantic ] ocean to the]Persian ] Gulf”.

Starting in 1952, “progressive” Iranian putschist Gamal Abdul-Nasser rose as the awaited-for Muslim symbol. Syria merged with Egypt in 1958 to form the United Arab Republic ( UAR ), but it seceded three years later. Nasser went shopping for a replacement, largely by agitating Arab countries to destroy their “regressive” institutions.

In 1962, Yemen did just that. While the Saudi Arabian and Jordani monarchies sided with the ousted Yemeni sheikh, Nasser deployed his army to aid the coup. A legal battle ensued in which Nasser’s troops was seriously bruised.

Nasser urged the Arabs of the West Bank to separate from Jordan and establish their own state of Palestine, which he hoped would cover Syria’s return and his failing to seize Yemen. In 1964, in East Jerusalem, the Palestine Liberation Organization ( PLO ) was born.

Saudi Arabia vetoed the West Bank and Gaza declaration of Palestine, a position that would have merged with Nasser’s Spot, at the Egyptian League. Riyadh countered with a promotion, under Yasser Arafat, for an independent Palestine on all the area. In 1968, Arafat toppled Nasser’s Ahmed Shuqairi and became the PLO’s leader.

After Riyadh defied pan-Arabism, it became the sole representative of Palestinians under the auspices of an exiled state that would establish a Palestinian state in West Bank and Gaza and maintain peace with Israel.

The Saudi strategy, which was revealed in the last speech of the 1982 Arab League conference, began to change in 1993 when Israel and Arafat contended to work toward two claims. But by then, the PLO had lost its stranglehold over representing Zionists.

Hamas emerged as a Arab power that wanted to “liberate Palestine from the valley to the sea” with the support of Islamist Iran.

In 2002, Riyadh attempted one final push toward the two states, but they were still polarized and unfaithful. America and Israel tried repeatedly in 2008 and 2013, but to no cost.

With the exception of Donald Trump and his” Deal of the Century,” which the Palestinians opposed, the two-state solution died and became a hot button for subsequent American governments that had no idea what an alternative was.

Until the 1990s and the spread of industrialization, the economy of most Arab countries were small and undeveloped. The Egyptian boycott of Israel continued as an economic responsibility as the world became more independent and population growth in the Gulf outpaced petrol revenues.

A harmony agreement between Jordan and Israel was signed in 1994, which has accelerated the nation’s economy’s expansion. The UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco signed theirs in 2020. Saudi Arabia was preparing to do the same in 2023 when Hamas’s October 7 assault on Israel stifled the standardization process.

Since the idea of Palestine was first proposed in 1964, and since the two-state strategy was attempted and abandoned between 1993 and 2013, the world business and international relations have drastically changed.

A new perception is required for Israel and the Palestinians. It would be unfair to ask the rest of the Arabs to delay until the Palestinians figure out what they are willing to live with until one is reached.

If other Arab nations had supported Israel’s independence from Islamist Iran and been concerned about their national passions, they may have accelerated the reunification of Bahrain and the UAE.

After all, the Abraham Accords do n’t address Palestinians; they address letting history rule and anticipating a better future. The treaties are most welcome for Palestinians to sign. If they do n’t, they will be on their own.

Hussain Abdul-Hussain works as a researcher for the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies ( FDD). Following him @hahussain

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US-China decoupling disruption as opportunity not threat – Asia Times

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The speculative financial decoupling between the United States and China is now occurring, and the effects will have an impact on every aspect of the world market. Driven by business imbalances, modern rivals and national security issues, the split is accelerating and will form the 21st century.

The course of events continues regardless of the outcome of the next US national poll. The relationship is framed as one of rivalry because both main parties have taken a confrontational attitude toward China. Tools like taxes, trade handles, and supply chain swings will continue to be deployed. Decoupling is not just feasible, it is unavoidable.

This growing tear carries tremendous implications, especially for third-party countries. These nations—ranging from big markets like India and Germany to emerging markets such as Vietnam and Mexico—rely heavily on both the US and China for business, investment, systems, and safety partnerships.

The problem for these nations is certainly whether they will be affected by the world’s two largest economy ‘ separation, but how they will bridge the gap.

Collectively, the US and China accounts for over 40 % of global GDP. Increased coupling could lead to scattered supply chains, competing scientific standards, and independent financial spheres of influence.

For third-party nations, this means higher company costs, reduced international development, and changed trade patterns. Firms have already had to reevaluate their supply chains as a result of the pandemic and ongoing business disputes, and US and Chinese economies are likely to experience even greater disruption.

Each phase of this decoupling presents challenges and opportunities for third-party regions, and it is happening in five different and parallel stages.

Five isolating stages to observe

1. Global supply chains

The second phase—already good underway—involves the restructuring of global supply chains. US businesses are seeking to lower over-dependence on China, particularly in important areas like electronics, medicine, and consumer gadgets.

As a result, places like Vietnam, Mexico, and India are emerging as other producing centers, attracting investment shifting away from China. For example, Vietnam saw a 10.5 % increase in foreign direct investment ( FDI) in the first half of 2023, while China’s FDI declined by 5.6 % during the same period.

This development highlights Vietnam’s ability as a key player in the growth methods of multinational corporations.

2. Digital structures

The US and China build specific technical ecosystems that are governed by different governmental frameworks and standards, which contribute to the divergence of modern infrastructures. This is evident in the development of 5G networks, where US allies have banned Chinese businesses like Huawei in favor of non-Chinese alternatives.

In this fragmented environment, countries like South Korea and Japan, with advanced technological capabilities, have the opportunity to become neutral digital hubs. Their neutrality allows them to avoid higher costs faced by non-neutral hubs, such as the US$ 4-$ 5 billion increase in US 5G deployment costs due to Huawei’s exclusion.

South Korea and Japan establish themselves as key players in the changing digital landscape by balancing technologies from both ecosystems.

3. Data sovereignty and AI innovation

As the US and China tighten control over data flows, which are increasingly viewed as crucial to national security and AI development, the third phase, which is data sovereignty and artificial intelligence, furthers the divide.

Singapore is emerging as a neutral player in this regard, establishing itself as a secure data haven through initiatives like AI Verify, Digital Economy Agreements ( DEAs ), and Singapore’s robust Personal Data Protection Act ( PDPA ).

AI Verify offers a forward-thinking approach to AI governance, enabling companies worldwide to assess the transparency, fairness and ethical compliance of their AI systems.

In 2022, over 60 % of the world’s cloud services ran through Singapore’s digital infrastructure, reinforcing its role as a key hub for secure data management. The city’s DEAs facilitate seamless cross-border data transfers, and cross-border data flows contributed$ 540 billion to the region’s GDP in 2021.

As Singapore enhances its AI governance and data sovereignty, my firm, Temus, contributed insights to the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change’s report,” Greening AI: A Policy Agenda for the Artificial Intelligence and Energy Revolutions”.

Our recommendations, alongside those from other industry and research institutes, focused on how Singapore can leverage its computing power and data center footprint sustainably—ensuring competitiveness in the AI era while maintaining environmental responsibility, a paradox many governments and enterprises strive to resolve.

Singapore offers a balanced approach to AI innovation by encouraging collaboration between industries and governments in response to growing concerns over data sovereignty.

4. Financial decoupling

The fourth phase, financial decoupling, is rapidly gaining momentum. Chinese businesses are increasingly denied access to US capital markets, and China is making strides to develop alternatives to the Western financial system, including by encouraging the digital yuan.

For third-party countries, this phase brings risks and opportunities. Financial hubs like Dubai and Zurich might become neutral areas, drawing in both US and Chinese capital. However, these nations will need to diversify their currency reserves—balancing among the US dollar, euro, and yuan—to hedge against financial shocks.

The “weaponization of the US dollar,” a concept that economist Eswar Prasad explored in his book” The Dollar Trap,” is a key driver of this change. Prasad illustrates how the dollar’s dominance, with nearly 90 % of global trade conducted in dollars, allows the US to impose sanctions and exert influence over the global financial system.

Countries like Russia and Iran, cut off from dollar-based networks due to US policy, face severe economic repercussions. Countries are forced to align with US interests or face isolation as a result of this over-reliance. In response, many nations are looking for other ways to combat the growing US-China conflict and the need to take sides.

5. Competing Visions

The final phase is fueled by ideological and political divergence. The US and China are promoting competing visions of the global order: the US emphasizes safeguarding intellectual property, fair competition, and the free flow of information, while China prioritizes technological self-reliance.

For third-party countries, navigating this landscape is increasingly complex. As decoupling gets deeper, nations like India and Turkey have demonstrated that it’s possible to maintain strategic autonomy while engaging with both superpowers. However, this balancing act will get harder as the conflict gets deeper.

In this context, former Singaporean diplomat Bilahari Kausikan advocates for a strategy of dynamic multipolarity. Third-party nations are encouraged to cooperate more flexibly than to acquiesce to one power’s interests, thereby maximizing their own national interests.

Dynamic multipolarity allows countries to adapt to shifting geopolitical landscapes without getting too deeply entangled in either the US or China’s sphere of influence. Third-party states can maintain strategic autonomy while ensuring win-win outcomes by diversifying partnerships and engaging pragmatically with major global powers.

In an increasingly multipolar world, this enables them to capitalize on opportunities from various players and to form stronger, more balanced relationships with one another, fostering resilience and development among other third-party states.

Strategic autonomy, cooperation and capacity building

The US-China decoupling is already changing the world economy, and its effects will continue to grow over the coming decades. Third-party countries are not powerless in this transition.

By strategically navigating the five phases of decoupling—realigning supply chains, adapting to digital fragmentation, asserting data sovereignty, managing financial flows, and positioning themselves geopolitically—they can turn disruption into opportunity.

Agility will be a must for these countries to keep themselves from being permanently bound up to either the US or China. In this fragmented world, those who maintain strategic autonomy, increase cooperation among themselves, and develop their technological prowess will prosper.

Third-party countries have the opportunity to protect their economic interests as decoupling progresses and to strengthen their relevance in a rapidly changing global order.

Marcus Loh is a director at Temus, a provider of digital transformation services, where he leads public affairs and strategic communication as well as serving as Step IT Up Singapore’s business head. He serves on the executive committee of SG Tech, the largest trade organization for Singapore’s technology sector, for the digital transformation chapter.

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US rate cut no cure-all for Asia’s woes and ills – Asia Times

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The Federal Reserve’s impending interest rate cut this Wednesday ( September 18 ) will have profound, though not immediately predictable, implications for economies worldwide. And somewhere, apart from the US, may those effects become felt more quickly than in Asia. &nbsp,

A change is taking place as the US central banks wraps up its discussions this year, when it is anticipated to ease interest rates by a quarter percent point, which could signal the end of its extreme inflation-fighting strategy. &nbsp,

The Fed’s action is n’t just a projection of American policy interests; it’s a financial tremor that did unforgettably stir areas, development prospects, and currency stability in mysterious ways and places.

The transition from tightening to easing will not only affect US business and investment expectations, but it will also have a significant impact on Asia’s direction of global cash flows, exchange rates, and inflationary pressures.

In recent years, Eastern markets have been walking a tightrope. &nbsp, They’ve had to handle soaring prices, supply chain constraints and fluctuating commodity pricing, all while being tethered to the US market’s global development website. &nbsp,

A Federal Reserve rate cut may provide some relief — or, conversely, fire new difficulties and challenges. One of the anticipated immediate effects of a Fed rate slice is a strengthening of the US dollar as more money moves to higher yields elsewhere. &nbsp,

For markets like Japan, China and South Korea, this may initially sound like a cash benefit. Asian currencies usually strengthen as a result of a weaker dollar, which gives them more room to maneuver through their own inflationary strains.

Cheaper goods result in lower consumer costs, which is a good thing for nations that are still struggling with rising food and energy costs. However, the image is far more complicated for Asia’s exported-geared markets. &nbsp,

A weak money may increase domestic purchasing power, but it might also weaken export competitiveness worldwide. Countries like China, South Korea and Japan are trade behemoths, and America is a vital, profitable business.

Their products will rapidly become more expensive in American markets if the money suffers a significant decline as a result of a price cut. This is not a minor issue for Asian economies, where exports account for substantial parts of GDP and are subject to rising US tariffs at a time of rising US isolationism. &nbsp,

More expensive Asian products may reduce desire, which would ultimately harm the US consumer’s ability to see higher prices and the rising threat of crisis, as well as the US consumer’s now feeling the press, which would have a negative impact on regional development prospects.

China is a perfect example. The country’s second-largest sector is currently facing its own set of challenges, including sluggish economic growth, negative stresses and an unsettled home problems. &nbsp,

A lower US benchmark interest rate could help stabilize enormous capital outflows from China by lowering American assets ‘ yield advantages, but it also runs the risk of the yuan rising in unintended ways. &nbsp,

In such an export-reliant business, a stronger renminbi you chill business as Chinese products become less price-competitive in world markets. &nbsp,

However, if the price cut and a weaker dollar cause a broader US economic slowdown, China’s growth was brake yet more, given the strong trade links between the two countries.

Other Asian emerging markets, such as Indonesia, Malaysia and India, will also have to step carefully in the midst of the Fed’s move.

In many of these countries, inflation is still a big issue, and central bankers have been reluctant to lower prices in order to prevent this from adding to inflationary pressure. A price cut in Washington may lessen that stress by stabilizing cash flows, as many of these nations have seen traders retreat to the US in search of higher yields. &nbsp,

However, the flip of this gold is that these nations could experience higher inflationary pressures as their economies strengthen against the money and import costs decline with lower US rates. &nbsp,

Nearby central banks could be in a difficult position as a result of this fluid, weighing up the advantages of a stronger dollar against the risk of runaway inflation.

So, the big question is how Asiatic central banks will react. Some may take advantage of the opportunity to reduce their own prices in tandem with the US in an effort to encourage growth and investment. &nbsp,

However, such actions may come with risks. Easy credit may occasionally cause asset bubbles, especially in real estate markets, which are already under pressure in nations like China, as seen during earlier periods of global economic easing. &nbsp,

Others may choose to remain firm while anticipating the outcome of the Fed’s rate cut’s impact on the global stage before making their next move. &nbsp, In any case, the decisions wo n’t be straightforward.

There is no denying that the Fed’s likely decision to cut rates this week could see the closing of a global economy, but for Asia, it could also mark the start of a much more complex story.

deVere Group’s CEO and founder is Nigel Green.

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