China’s microwave weapons aim to zap US drone swarms – Asia Times

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China’s new high-power microwave ( HPM) weapons have the potential to revolutionize electronic warfare, overcoming US advances in aircraft and storage capabilities, and closing the power gap between their ships.

Chinese scientists have made a major milestone in developing a small HPM tool that can produce electric pulses similar to those of a nuclear explosion, according to the South China Morning Post (SCMP ) this fortnight.

SCMP says this weapon, however in lab testing, can destroy or eliminate electrical components within foe systems. It mentions that the joint effort between a joint staff from the Northwest Institute of Nuclear Technology in Xian and the National University of Defence Technology in Changsha overcame the difficulty of preventing the tool from self-destructing as a result of its powerful pulse.

According to the statement, the tool uses phased-array tranny technology to specifically target energy, increase its range and damage effects, and make parallel attacks on several targets. During testing, the crossbow withstood over 5, 000 full-power signal emissions without break, maintaining a great operating performance of 96.6 %.

The US government, which intends to deploy HPM weapons in the Indo-Pacific region, is cited by SCMP as a reason China is developing this weapon as part of its efforts to combat potential threats from US troops.

It notes that the People’s Liberation Army ( PLA ) is also pursuing anti-satellite capabilities, targeting communication satellites like Starlink, which played a significant role in the Ukraine war. It claims that this development advances China’s military technology and strengthens its corporate capabilities in electric warfare.

China’s new advancements in HPM weapons demonstrate its focus on these systems as a means of combating aircraft swarms, which the US is constantly developing through its Replicator program, which aims to speed the pitching of obsolete weather, sea, and land drone systems.

Far from China’s HPM weapons being simple lab experiments, The War Zone reported in November 2024 that during that month’s Zhuhai Airshow, China unveiled numerous HPM systems designed to activate drones and other underwater threats.

The War Zone mentions that the showcased HPM weapons, developed by state-run firms China South Industries Group Corporation ( CSGC ) and Norinco, &nbsp, include a large planar array mounted on an 8×8 light armored vehicle chassis and a more extensive system installed on a Shacman SX2400/2500-series 8×8 truck.

Both systems have radar, according to the report, which enables them to use their large beams to intercept and track targets while simultaneously engaging multiple threats.

HPM weapons can be used to defeat a variety of goals, including LEO satellites and swarming robots. They can destroy digital systems without apparent harm, are cost-effective, and are flexible for various platforms. Their broad beam makes it possible to simultaneously engage multiple targets.

However, they face challenges, including low efficiency, high energy consumption, and limited atmospheric range. Their large size also limits the scope of deployment.

Nevertheless, China may be working to solve the size and power limitations of its HPM weapons. For instance, in February 2024, Asia Times reported that Chinese scientists had unveiled a groundbreaking HPM weapon powered by Stirling engines, marking a significant advancement in directed-energy warfare technology.

This weapon, created by a team from the National University of Defense Technology, effectively converts thermal energy into mechanical energy using four compact Stirling closed-cycle heat engines. It drives HPM waves capable of disabling drones, military aircraft, and satellites.

The superconducting coil of the weapon has a four telas magnetic field, which is significantly lower than the energy consumption of current technologies. The weapon can operate continuously for four hours, only consuming 20 % of the energy required by current technologies, according to initial tests.

China’s progress on HPM weapons could also enable them to be mounted on ship-based point defense against anti-ship ballistic and cruise missiles, offering a feasible alternative to interceptor missiles, naval guns, railguns, and lasers. &nbsp,

In a May 2021 Proceedings article, James Winnefield mentions that HPMs can engage multiple targets simultaneously, operate at the speed of light, and produce near-instantaneous effects on electronic systems inside missiles. He claims that lasers have less of an impact on them than other weather-related problems.

However, he says HPMs have significant drawbacks, such as high energy consumption and the need for substantial power sources, which can limit deployment options. He also makes comments about the danger of collateral damage to friendly systems and the psychological strains of an invisible weapon without a signature or report, which are difficult to overcome.

While the US faces difficulties in mounting directed-energy weapons such as lasers and HPMs on its ships due to cost, space, and power constraints on its aging Ticonderoga-class cruisers, maxed-out Arleigh Burke-class destroyers, and its next-generation DDG ( X ) destroyer, which has been delayed until 2032, China is steadily building its fleet of large Type 055 cruisers which could accommodate the space and power requirements of HPM weapons.

Maritime Insight <a href="https://www.marineinsight.com/shipping-news/china-constructs-most-advanced-surface-combatant-ships-in-the-world-the-type-055s/”>reported this month that China is building its 10th Type 055 cruiser, aiming to build 16 such ships. This is different from the US Navy’s Ticonderoga-class cruisers, which are almost at the end of their active years and use up money for more financially viable projects.

China’s deployment of HPM weapons aboard its Type 055 cruisers could free up even more space for anti-ship missiles, reducing the need for interceptor missiles and gun ammunition for point defense, and bringing it closer to firepower parity with the US Navy.

In a December 2024 article for the Institute of International and Strategic Studies ( IISS), Johannes Fischbach mentions that as of 2024, the PLAN has achieved over 50 % of the US Navy’s vertical launch system (VLS ) cells fielding nearly 4, 300 VLS cells on 84 principal surface combatants, compared to the US Navy’s 8, 400 cells on 85 ships.

Fischbach says this progress is marked by the People’s Liberation Army Navy’s ( PLAN ) increased production rates, with the Type 052D destroyers and Type 055 cruisers contributing significantly. He draws attention to the US Navy’s VLS capacity in contrast to the slower pace of new ship construction and the retirement of aging Ticonderoga-class cruisers.

According to him, the US Navy’s current production rate of Arleigh Burke-class destroyers is 1.6 per year, while the PLAN’s Type-052D destroyers are produced at a rate of 3.1 per year. While he says the US Navy’s plans include the development of the DDG ( X ) destroyer and the Constellation-class frigate, these are not expected to enter service until the late 2020s or early 2030s.

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HX-2 Karma swarm drone built to protect democracies – Asia Times

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The HX-2 Karma smart wandering aircraft emerges as a crucial military development that combines mass, precision, and swarming abilities in a world where technological advancements are quickly reshaping the battlefield.

Developed by Helsing, self-touted as Europe’s leading AI defense company, this mini-unmanned aerial system ( mini-UAS ) stands out not only for its cutting-edge capabilities but also for the broader implications it carries for military strategy, ethics and geopolitical dynamics.

The HX-2 provides a compelling case study of the benefits and drawbacks of this evolution as the world prepares for more artificial intelligence ( AI ) to enter the battlefield. Significantly, the German firm touts the helicopter as a keeper of “democracies”.

” When deployed along territories at scale, HX-2 can serve as a powerful counter-invasion weapon against enemy territory makes”, according to a business statement, which added it was “ramping up output in Europe”. The primary technologies of the drone has already been used in the conflict in Ukraine.

The HX-2 Karma is a masterpiece of aircraft engineering. With a take-off mass of only 12 pounds and a load capacity of 4.5 pounds, the wandering weapons boasts a maximum speed of 250 kilometers per hour and an operating range of 100 meters.

These specifications only underscore its power in contemporary conflicts, where device speed, range and precision are fundamental.

But what really sets the HX-2 off is its inclusion of AI-driven software—notably Altra, a surveillance and assault package—that facilitates automatic routing, target identification and, perhaps most significantly, swarming coordination.

Altra’s ability to combine several HX-2 units into a single swarm highlights the system’s strategic versatility, allowing coordinated attacks on enemy assets with what the company calls unmatched efficiency.

Helsing’s emphasis on maintaining human oversight is a critical dimension of the HX-2’s design. Altra automates many aspects of the mission, but the operator retains ultimate authority over target selection and engagement.

This “human-in-the-loop” approach aims to ensure accountability while addressing ethical concerns surrounding autonomous weapon systems. As Gundbert Scherf, Helsing’s co-founder, has noted, retaining human control is essential in an era where electronic warfare erodes traditional command structures.

At the same time, the HX-2’s deployment raises significant questions about the future of warfare. The HX-2 reduces reliance on satellite navigation, making it a valuable asset in electronic warfare scenarios because of its claimed ability to operate autonomously in contested electromagnetic environments.

Yet, this same autonomy could blur the lines of accountability. Despite assurances of human oversight, AI systems ‘ increasing sophistication raise the possibility of unintended consequences.

For instance, what happens if the system’s algorithms misidentify a target? How can governments make sure these technologies are not abused or entered into the wrong hands?

These are questions that policymakers, war planners and technologists must grapple with as the HX-2 and similar systems become commonplace on the battlefield.

Helsing’s decision to vertically integrate production emphasizes the significance of technological sovereignty. Helsing wants to ensure the reliability and cost-efficiency of the HX-2 by controlling the manufacturing process and working with European partners for components.

In a geopolitical landscape that is rapidly changing, this strategy strengthens Europe’s defense capabilities. The planned delivery of 4, 000 HF-1 munitions to Ukraine—built on the same technological foundation as the HX-2—highlights the system’s immediate relevance in contemporary conflicts. Additionally, it emphasizes the importance of defense innovation in supporting allies and preventing aggression.

Despite its advantages, the HX-2 represents a broader shift in warfare that demands careful scrutiny. The potential for precision and collateral damage is enhanced by the integration of AI into military systems, but it also runs the risk of intensifying arms conflicts and lowering the likelihood of conflict.

As NATO and other military alliances consider the deployment of such technologies, they must establish robust frameworks for governance, transparency and accountability. International cooperation must be used to establish standards that acquit innovation in the context of war.

The HX-2 Karma encapsulates the dual-edged nature of this technological progress. The AI-powered drone is a testament to human ingenuity, offering a powerful tool to defend borders and deter aggression. It also serves as a stark reminder of the ethical and strategic difficulties that come with these technological advancements.

Will these technologies be used to deter war and uphold peace and security as a dangerous new era of AI-driven warfare dawns, or will they instead lead to more unaccountable and deadly conflicts?

The answer lies more in the values and choices of those who use technology than in the technology itself. Helsing’s commitment to ethical control and strategic innovation provides a guideline for navigating the complexity of contemporary warfare. Whether others follow suit is still to be seen.

Sehr Rushmeen is an Islamabad-based researcher specializing in strategic studies. Her areas of expertise include nuclear strategy, AI in warfare, and South Asian politics. She holds an MPhil in Strategic Studies from NDU and a BSc in International Relations from UOL. She has contributed extensively to global publications and can be contacted at [email protected] or via Twitter @rushmeentweets.

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US sanctions take shine off Pakistan’s UN seat glory – Asia Times

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Pakistan’s new election as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council ( UNSC), marking the ninth time it earned the circular classification, should have been cause for political party.

Otherwise, the step arrived under the shadow of new US sanctions targeting Pakistan’s nuclear weapon system. The juxtaposition of these events raises important questions about the world’s future trajectory and the complex and frequently contradicting dynamics of its international relations.

It’s not easy to get a non-permanent chair on the UNSC. It signals that Pakistan’s contributions to global peace, its support for developing countries, and its position as a local power capable of fostering discourse in conflict-ridden regions are recognized internationally.

However, these accomplishments are obscured by the US’s decision to impose restrictions under its MTCR plan. The sanctions, apparently aimed at curbing proliferation risks, problem Pakistan’s storyline as a concerned global companion.

The punishment also show a pervasive problem line between the US and Pakistan. Although the two nations have previously worked together to combat terrorism and provincial balance, Washington has grown to see Pakistan’s strategic partnerships, particularly those with China, as a contrarian of US interests in South Asia.

The sanctions against the weapon system are more about a message to Islamabad: follow Washington’s political objectives or you’ll suffer the consequences.

Pakistan’s reaction to the punishment will become crucial in determining its political trajectory. Its UNSC account provides a system to amplify its speech on global problems, from climate change to cybersecurity, but the punishment underscore the boundaries imposed by great-power elections.

In a South Asian security environment that is extremely tense and disputed, Pakistan must find a balance between its relationship with the US and China and maintaining its proper autonomy.

The UNSC member nation of Pakistan is also at odds with the international platform that the sanctions challenge. By imposing unilateral sanctions, the US runs the risk of undermining the spirit of cooperation required to address shared world issues.

Pakistan, then in a position to control UNSC proceedings, could use its app to argue for a more healthy approach to non-proliferation and dispute resolution.

Pakistan’s enrollment in the UNSC offers an opportunity to reshape its reputation as a country committed to peace and development. The restrictions, however, show how persistently skeptical it is from important international people.

Pakistan has reaffirm its commitment to international standards, increase accountability in its security plans, and use its UNSC seats to foster dialogue on security and creation issues in order to counteract this tale.

Also, Pakistan’s management must realize that its coming as a world player depends on economic endurance and technological development. Beyond martial and proper paradigms, the tech sector’s expansion and weather leadership initiatives serve as the foundation for redefining its global role.

The UNSC election and US sanctions that Pakistan has carried out simultaneously demonstrate the dilemma of its international status as both a crucial companion and a proper problem.

Navigating this dichotomy may require deft politics, strategic vision and a renewed commitment to diplomacy. Pakistan’s authority on the UNSC can both strengthen its reputation as a responsible international actor or only aggravate the conflicts that have long plagued its international relations.

The margins have never been higher for Islamabad.

Iqra Awan is a research fellow at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. She can be reached at [email protected]

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How will Europe survive without Russian gas? – Asia Times

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Ukraine’s commitment for the passage of its gasoline across Ukraine expired on December 31st, 2013, and Kyiv refrained from taking into account a new arrangement. Ukraine’s decision was supported by the European Commission, even though the lost imports are equivalent to 5 % of European demand.

Some people may have been surprised to learn that fuel had continued to flow while the two nations were at war. And although most pipeline gas from Russia to Europe had ceased, in 2024, Europe imported&nbsp, a record 21.5 billion cubic meters ( bcm ) &nbsp, of liquefied natural gas ( LNG ) from Russia – 19 % of its LNG imports.

Newly published data from Spain reveals that Russia remained its second-biggest supplier of LNG, accounting for 21.3 % of Spain’s LNG goods. With 48 % of the LNG supplied in 2024, the US continues to be the largest distributor to Europe.

Russian LNG that enters Europe is re-exported to second places, a process that will be prohibited by EU restrictions in March.

But, what is Europe’s approach here? And how might Ukraine’s shutting off the presses affect Russian oil revenue globally?

In May 2022, three weeks after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the EU launched its REPowerEU schedule. Through the growth of strength products, one of its main goals was to reduce the EU’s dependent on Soviet fossil fuels.

The European Commission now points out that 45 % of the EU’s gas imports came from Russia in 2021, and that percentage had dropped to 15 % in 2023 ( although data suggests that it increased to 18 % in 2024 as a result of higher imports of Russian LNG ).

Breugel, &nbsp, Author provided ( no reuse )

The EU has yet to impose sanctions on importing Russian oil, despite announcing sanctions for the Arctic-2 LNG project and related delivery, and outlawing the reloading of Russian LNG in EU slots.

Russian actions like demanding payment in roubles and the damage of the Nord Stream pipelines, an event that is still subject to significant conjecture, have contributed to the rapid decline in pipeline exports to Europe.

The European Commission is also aware that the world oil sector is still carefully balanced, and that Russia’s gas imports would result in extremely high rates, like those seen in the summer of 2022, as a result of sanctioning them.

That energy crisis cost European governments an estimated 650 billion euros ( US$ 669.6 billion ) between September 2021 and January 2023 in measures to mitigate high prices.

In 2024, Russian gas reached Europe via three routes: transit through Ukraine ( 30 % ), via Turkey and the TurkStream pipeline ( 31 % ) and as LNG ( 39 % ). If there is no resumption of Ukrainian transit in 2025, flows may be limited to TurkStream and LNG.

Sinking Russian imports expose Europe to continued rate volatility because the global LNG market is still constrained. However, it is possible that the EU will cease all exports of Russian oil by the end of 2027 as a wave of new Gas production is anticipated to start in 2027.

This is what the EU’s fresh strength director, Dan Jorgensen, announced in November 2024. What the European Commission intends to do is unknown; it is probably a continuation of efforts to increase energy efficiency, expand the transition to renewable energy, and lower gasoline demand. However, it’s doubtful that Russian exports will be completely prohibited until the world’s LNG market is more abundant.

However, the incoming US administration has merely imposed more sanctions on the Belarusian oil and gas industry, which might cause problems for Brussels. Due to Donald Trump’s frequent criticism of Europe’s dependency on Russian oil, some tough choices may have to be made as part of the new plan.

Gas future

What does this imply for Russia and the protection of international gas? In Nature Communications, our team of researchers at the UK Energy Research Center ( UKERC ) published a paper that forecasts how Russian gas sales might behave under two important circumstances.

The first is called “limited industry,” and assumes that the EU will halt all Russian oil exports by 2027. Additionally, sanctions against LNG systems, system, and the lack of fresh network power make it difficult to export.

If the Kremlin and Beijing don’t agree on the construction of the 50 billion cubic meters ( bcm ) Power of Siberia 2 pipeline, this would happen in the latter case. Exports to China would be restricted due to the new 10bcm pipeline from the Russian Far East and the 38bcm Power of Siberia 1 route.

Dmitry Medvedev, then Russia’s prime minister, launching construction of the Chinese section of the Power of SIberia gas pipeline. &nbsp, Photo: EPA / Dmitry Astakhov / ia Novosti/Government press service pool / The Conversation

The second scenario, known as the “pivot to Asia,” assumes that Russia is able to increase LNG exports more quickly and that Power of Siberia 2 is reached. Additionally, Turkstream is assumed to continue to export goods to Europe and that there are no restrictions on imports of LNG ( as is the current situation ).

Additionally, the study takes into account each scenario where there will be a significant increase in the global gas demand in the future, which will be influenced heavily by climate policy objectives.

Overall, the research finds that Russia will struggle to regain pre-crisis gas export levels. Compared to 2020, Russia’s gas exports will have fallen by 31 % –47 % by 2040 where new markets are limited, and by 13 % –38 % under a pivot-to-Asia strategy.

Russia’s prospects won’t significantly improve if China’s demand increases. Any future expansion into Asia is conditioned on Chinese energy security and climate mitigation strategies, according to the climate.

It is interesting to note that Gazprom, a Russian state gas company ,’s stock dropped to a 16-year low in late 2024. This was partly because of a US$ 7 billion ( £5.73 billion ) loss in 2023 and a cancellation of dividend payments. However, there is also geopolitical uncertainty regarding the state-controlled company’s capacity to find new export routes.

Two crucial questions are raised by our research regarding the potential impact of Russian gas on global markets. First, will the EU maintain its resolve and stop all exports of Russian gas to the EU by 2027, or might the end of Russia’s conflict with Ukraine cause a powerful U-turn? Second, come what may, can Russia find new export routes and markets for its huge gas reserves?

The two questions are related because more Russian pipeline gas is exported to China, which lessens the need for China to import LNG, which leads to a more stable global LNG market for Europe to import the gas it needs, primarily from the US.

Ironically, this might lead to a solution that could lessen looming trade disputes between the EU and the incoming US president.

Steve Pye is an associate professor of energy systems at UCL, and Michael Bradshaw is a professor of global energy at Warwick Business School.

The Conversation has republished this article under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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US air superiority vs China dissolving in plain sight – Asia Times

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The US and its allies are forced to reevaluate their tactics against increasingly powerful enemies like China as a result of the emerging ultra-long-range counter-air weapons and long-range detail affect features that are poised to reinvent air superiority.

In a December 2024 report to US Congress, the Department of the Air Force said that adversaries are set to field counter-air weapons guided by space-based sensors with ranges exceeding 1, 000 miles ( 1, 600 kilometers ), creating unprecedented threats to traditional air operations.

The document highlights China’s funding in long-range detail systems, including international fast vehicles and a different army of air, land and sea-launched missiles. Those arms, supported by superior space-based targeting, pose dangers to vital assets such as ships, which have usually operated with impunity.

Additionally, according to the report, forth airbases and fixed locations will become more prone to constant precision strikes by 2050, necessitating significant modifications in US Air Force strategies. It emphasizes that counter-air threats may force sanctuaries to be used anywhere, placing a strain on sequential air supremacy and distributed abilities.

The report emphasizes the need to integrate space-based surveillance and targeting systems in order to combat the threat of adversary space-based weapons, including potential hypersonic glide vehicles ( HGV ) or nuclear-capable systems.

According to the report, the US Air Force may modernize its policies, tools, and force structures in order to remain productive and withstand these growing threats, which may greatly rely on space and information.

In March 2024, the South China Morning Post (SCMP ) reported that Chinese scientists have designed a surface-to-air missile ( SAM ) with a kill range exceeding 2, 000 kilometers, according to a peer-reviewed paper published by the Journal of Graphics.

The research group, led by Su Hua at Northwestern Polytechnical University, claims the missile is destination early-warning aircraft and bombers, probably altering local conflict dynamics, the SCMP report said. The weapon, measuring eight feet and weighing 2.5 tons, uses a reliable rocket engine for lateral start and a ramjet motor for upper-atmosphere locomotion.

The weapon will be guided by SCMP’s real-time satellite tracking, before moving onto its sensors for last targeting. It notes that the development is part of China’s broader “anti-access/area denial ( A2/AD )” strategy, aimed at countering US military capabilities in hotspots like the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea.

The report adds that the missile’s design emphasizes low production costs and operational convenience, aligning with the People’s Liberation Army’s ( PLA ) requirements.

This growth, alongside another new and emerging technologies, problems historic aspects of weather superiority. In an October 2024 Finabel report, Marek Gallo mentions that the idea of air superiority, once pivotal in Western military doctrine, faces obsolescence in modern warfare as advanced air defense systems, unmanned aerial vehicles ( UAV ) and electronic warfare ( EW ) reshape battlefields.

Gallo contends that in issues involving technologically advanced opponents, conventional air dominance, which is characterised by unwavering control of the skies, is becoming more and more difficult to achieve. He claims that the ongoing conflict in Ukraine highlights this change, in which both parties maintain their dominance in the airspace through a series of “windows of chance”

He even points out that the development of the “air coast” —a contested territory from surface level to 10, 000 feet—has intensified the challenge, with robots and EW compressing the aircraft into a fiercely competitive domain.

He claims that the integration of air and ground operations through centralized command centers and joint operations, particularly in SEAD/DEAD ( Suppression and Destruction of Enemy Air Defenses ) campaigns, is necessary. Gallo argues that the Ukraine war demonstrates that achieving limited, situational air superiority, rather than absolute dominance, is the future of air power.

In a September 2024 War on the Rocks article, Peter Porkka and Vilho Rantanen advocate for an air force that could support operations in contested airspaces.

Porkka and Rantanen stress the need for NATO to develop capabilities to combat air defenses against anti-access/area denial ( A2/AD ) tactics. They point out the limitations of air superiority in preventing battleground stalemates and the difficulties that both Russia and Ukraine face.

They suggest a change to improve joint force support in tense situations. The writers argue that NATO should prioritize investments in capabilities such as drones, satellites, long-range precision fires and EW, all of which offer significant operational benefits, rather than pursuing traditional air superiority.

Asia Times recently highlighted the risk of devastating losses for US airfields in the Pacific due to China’s advanced long-range aircraft and missile capabilities, putting the focus on risking devastating losses before a potential conflict even starts.

The PLA has significantly outperformed US efforts to harden airfield infrastructure, adding extensive runways and double its hardened aircraft shelters to over 3, 000, compared to the US’s only addition since the early 2010s. Due to this disparity, US airbases are risky of precision missile strikes, with the majority of the aircraft losses anticipated on-site.

China’s fortification efforts are intended to provide for long-range air attacks, which could be advantageous for strategic purposes. In contrast, US reliance on Cold War-era strategies and little investment in airfield resilience raises operational risks and encourages Chinese aggression.

J. Michael Dahm mentions that the US Air Force must adapt to the strategic challenge of operating capacity while being under constant fire in a July 2024 article for the Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies.

Dahm points out that the PLA has developed advanced reconnaissance and long-range precision-strike capabilities in an effort to devastate US airspace by focusing on critical infrastructure, runways, and grounded aircraft, making it necessary to make a fundamental change in airbase defense.

According to Dahm, the US must combine active defenses like layered kinetic and non-kinetic systems with robust passive measures like early warning systems, facility hardening, and quick runway repair in order to sustain effective combat sortie generation.

Moreover, he argues that adopting the Agile Combat Employment (ACE ) concept, which disperses air assets across multiple bases, could reduce vulnerabilities.

Dahm insists that the US Congress and the US Department of Defense ( DOD ) must support funding and policy clarification in order to improve airbase resilience and keep adversaries at bay.

Without these adjustments, he warns that the US Air Force runs the risk of operational paralysis, leaving US and allies vulnerable to abolition and putting in danger the world’s current balance of power.

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Good news and bad news from Lebanon as Nawaf Salam elected premier – Asia Times

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The good news from Lebanon is that Hezbollah’s former prime minister, Najib Mikati, has lost the race for another term, causing the Iran-backed Hezbollah military to worry that it was being pushed out of the democratic process.

The awful news is that Nawaf Salam, the president of the International Court of Justice, was the one who received the call on Monday to form a government. His steadfast anti-Israel positions make it difficult to imagine how he could bring Lebanon up to the 1949 truce and the Jewish state, enable only file a lawsuit for peace and normalization.

The build up to Salam’s phone started with the opposition alliance of 35 politicians nominating one of its own, Fouad Makhzoumi, to the place. The criticism has been the only alliance, in Lebanon’s 128-member legislature, to&nbsp, need, out loud, the denuclearization of Hezbollah. Salam was nominated by an independent alliance of 17 Members.

” The smaller union does have endorsed Makhzoumi, but they did not budge”, Samir Geagea, the head of the Lebanese Forces Party, the biggest union within the criticism told&nbsp, Alhadath network. ” Had we not endorsed their candidate, Salam, the result would have been another term for] Hezbollah’s candidate ] Mikati”.

The 52 vote for Salam started snowballing. Salam’s support had already received 84 seats when lawmakers presented their choices to Joseph Aoun, who had been elected leader last week. Just nine received Mikati. Seeing the battle coming, the two Shia coalitions of Hezbollah and Amal, with 30 seats, abstained from nominating anyone to the league. Aoun asked Salam to form a government.

Hours after the election, Geagea gave his appointment to Alhadath, in which he outlined how his coalition imagined the post-Hezbollah era:” President Aoun and Prime Minister Salam should remain with Hezbollah and show them,’ Talk, we are all Syrian compatriots. Either return your weapons to Iran or give them to the Syrian army. In 1991, Geagea claimed that this was how all civil war armies, including his own, gave their weapons.

Salam, however, carries a lot of international political baggage with him to the Syrian championship. Salam blasted Israel numerous times in his numerous remarks while serving as Lebanon’s minister to the UN, including two decades as a non-permanent part for the Security Council. As president of the International Court of Justice, Salam presided over accusing Israel of committing&nbsp, genocide&nbsp, in Gaza, a very questionable decision that best constitutional authorities have disputed.

With Salam’s bias toward Israel, it becomes clear that a UN judge would be best suited to lead the effort to disarm Hezbollah and restore Syrian independence, let alone establish a land border and file a petition for normalization and peace.

Blue-blooded Salam home

Salam is a member of a blue-blooded aristocratic family that gained notoriety as Beirut’s main port and Mediterranean city as a result. His brother Saeb played a significant part in the country’s politicians, including serving as prime minister, and his grandfather’s father represented the Beirut Velayet in the Ottoman legislature in Istanbul. Saeb gained notoriety for smoking cigarettes and maneuvering his car with a light neck pinned to his back.

Like most Sunni Muslims in the Levant, whether in Lebanon, Syria or Palestine, Saeb Salam opposed the development of those claims. He led Beirut’s Sunni antagonism in demanding that Lebanese add a Kingdom, pan-Arab country, in Damascus, which proved to be short-lived. Afterward, Saeb Salam changed his mind and fought for Palestinian nationalism against pan-Arabism.

As Yasser Arafat and the Israeli armies ruled Lebanon from 1969, Saeb Salam’s influence began to decline. However, when Israel invaded Lebanon and ejected the Arab militias that were attacking the region, it was in Saeb Salam’s standard mansion in the Syrian capital where all Muslim and Druze leaders, typically the supporters of Arafat, gathered to demand that the Arab leader and his militias keep the nation to give it more destruction.

Muslim Saeb Salam continued to lend political cover to Christian President Amin Gemayel in talks with Israel that resulted in parliament’s ratification of the&nbsp, May 17, 1983, Peace Agreement&nbsp, between the two countries. Hafez Assad’s militias were sent in to sabotage the agreement by Syria. Salman moved to Europe to live in exile.

Fence-sitter Nawaf Salam

Young Nawaf remained close to the Palestinian leader while his uncle assisted in allowing Arafat’s ejection, perhaps out of concern for his family history. Nawaf Salam maintained his pro-Palestinian position for a long time, but in 2005, he stood as a proponent of the anti-Assad and anti-Hezbollah” March 14 coalition”. One month after the assassination of Prime Minister Rafic Hariri in 2005, the organization’s name honored a massive protest, which was the largest in the country’s history. He was honored to be chosen as Lebanon’s UN envoy, where he made friends with Susan Rice, the American counterpart.

In 2008, the Hezbollah militia punished and&nbsp, finished off the March 14 coalition. But Salam, hedging his bets, stayed at the UN and started reporting to a pro-Hezbollah government in Beirut. He hoped that by remaining unmoved, he would eventually be called to form a cabinet.

In 2019, the Lebanese who took to the streets in the” October 17 Revolution” protesting Hezbollah and corruption shouted Salam’s name. He has since gained support from the opposition and anti-establishment figures. The lawmakers who received the call on Monday, October 17 were behind him.

Not everyone who yells Salam’s name, though, is praising him. On the international stage, he has faced numerous foes. If he brings those animosities with him to the premiership, Lebanon’s global standing may end up suffering.

Hussain Abdul-Hussain works for the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies ( FDD ) as a researcher. Follow him on X&nbsp, @hahussain

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Modi’s secret agenda to privatize India’s transportation system  – Asia Times

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That’s the normal method of privatization: Defund, make certain things don’t work, people get angry, you hand it over to personal funds.

Harold brown

In the late 19th and early 20th ages, public transport – particularly energy busses – formed the backbone of American locations, with over 17, 000 km of subway lines operating in major urban centers. For years, these techniques were considered essential to urban existence.

Public transport system has a lot of benefits, including reducing traffic congestion, improving air quality, and maintaining sustainability, but the idea of using public funds is frequently viewed as communist by the National right.

But, by the mid-20th era, this open system was dismantled. A commonly debated conspiracy theory claims that General Motor purposefully purchased and shut down subway lines in an effort to encourage vehicle dependency, leading to a system of private transportation based on automobile dependency.

Statistics support the extent of this shift: 90 % of US households own at least one car each, with 25 % owning three or more ( as of 2021 ). Travel expenses are the fourth-highest household expenses in US people, totaling$ 1.6 trillion annually. Comparatively, European families spend 5 % less on transportation due to effective public transport systems, many of which still use subways now.

India under Narendra Modi seems to be following an American-style rulebook.

American Railways: A federal asset in decline

Indian Railways, a 171 -year-old organisation, is a core of India’s communication and flexibility. With 24 million regular customers, 19, 000 carriages, and 7, 112 facilities, IR is Asia’s second-largest and the nation’s fourth-largest rail system. It plays a vital role in India’s economic and social development, fostering regional communication, member freedom and business activity. As India’s largest firm, it supports 1.6 million work, including 400, 000 contract employees.

The Modi authorities established the Bibek Debroy Committee in September 2014 to overhaul Indian Railways. The Committee recommended 40 steps, including pulling out the individual Rail Budget, restructuring management and encouraging exclusive participation. In November 2016, the 92-year-old Rail Budget was merged with the Union Budget. However, this maneuver overlooked the complexities of railroad operations – such as equipment, safety and development – that require focused interest. Indian Railways has struggled in terms of passenger safety over the past ten years as a result of this decision. The stats don’t lie. In an earlier article, I covered this in more detail.

The Railway Board chairman was appointed CEO in September 2020, introducing a new corporate governance structure. With the launch of the Lucknow-New Delhi Tejas Express on October 4, 2019, India’s first privately operated train managed by the Indian Railway Catering and Tourism Corporation, the Modi government began gradual railway privatization. By July 2020, plans were announced for private players to operate 151 trains on 109 routes, covering 5 % of Express and Mail services. While locomotive pilots and guards remain railway employees, other staff will be private. Instead of complete privatization, the Government’s intention was to make Railways go through a piece-by-piece privatization.

Privatization plans faced strong opposition. On July 3, 2020, a nationwide protest saw 1.2 million workers participating, followed by further protests on July 16-17, 2020. In response, the government halted the tender for private train operations.

Meanwhile, rail accidents have sharply increased over the past decade. One of the causes of it is that there is less manpower. &nbsp, About 30, 000 to 40, 000 recruitments used to take place in railways annually. The Modi government has been stumbling upon these appointments for ten years, and there are now more than 300,000 unfilled positions. Modi Government policies of delayed appointments, ignored safety measures and rising fares have undermined the railway’s reputation as a safe, affordable, and reliable mode of transport.

&nbsp, Aviation vs rail: a strategic shift

Indian Railways, a key public transport system, carried 8.5 billion passengers in FY 2023–2024, generating the rupee equivalent of$ 30.76 billion in revenue, with$ 8.77 billion from passenger services – a 9 % increase from the previous year. Even transferring 10 % of the railroad’s operations to the private sector presents a significant business and revenue opportunity for both government and private players given its monopoly on transportation in India. However, it is politically sensitive as Railways is India’s largest employer. A direct approach for Modi could cause both short- and long-term political backlash. The government has used an indirect approach to promote aviation as a way to break up the railroads ‘ monopoly to navigate these difficulties. &nbsp,

Modi’s&nbsp, multi-billion-dollar vision for private transportation&nbsp,

The UDAN ( Ude Desh Ka Aam Nagrik ) scheme, which was launched in June 2016, aims to reduce costs of air travel by encouraging regional connectivity, providing low-cost airlines, and building infrastructure as an alternative to railroads. Recently, the aviation minister announced the scheme’s 10-year extension and plans to build 350–400 airports over the next 20–25 years. However, building such a large number of airports requires significant land and infrastructure.

Indian Railways owns 486, 000 hectares of land, making it the second-largest landowner in India after the defense sector. This land is increasingly being used for non-railway projects, such as the Adani-led Dharavi Redevelopment project, which involved the transfer of railroad land for Matunga and Mahim for slum rehabilitation. The transfer proceeded despite the railroads ‘ opposition to sub-leasing prime land. &nbsp, Interestingly, On September 8, 2022, the Modi cabinet reduced the license fee on rail land from 6 % to 1.5 % for certain uses and extended lease periods from 5 to 35 years.

By 2025, the Adani Group intends to privatize 20-25 airports, according to the Airports Authority of India’s ( ADA)-managed airports. Despite lacking experience, the Adani group won bids for six airports in 2019. It is now India’s largest private airport operator. The key question remains: who benefits from this privatization – citizens, the state, or others? ” &nbsp,

How can airlines provide the most affordable modes of transportation for the most underdeveloped nation, which imports 80 % of its energy needs? State expenses are bound to increase as the currency is at all time lows against the dollar.

Promoting air travel conflicts with India’s goal of having a Net Zero Carbon Emission by 2070. &nbsp, Modi’s dream of aviation inclusive of 1.4 billion Indians has a very high price. But who will foot the bill?

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Ukraine’s TurkStream pipeline attack sends a message to Europe – Asia Times

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Nine drones were dispatched by the Ukrainians to strike a healthy gas station in the southern Russian province of Krasnodar.

The TurkStream network included the blower place. Apparently, all the robots were shot over. There was some slight destruction, but the turbine place is operating normally.

The&nbsp, pipeline&nbsp, runs from Russia to&nbsp, Turkey. It starts from the Russkaya blower place near&nbsp, Anapa&nbsp, in Russia ‘s&nbsp, Krasnodar Region, crossing the&nbsp, Black Sea&nbsp, to the receiving switch at&nbsp, Kıyıkoy. Some gas flows forward to the&nbsp, European Union.

The network has two lines, each with a natural gas capacity of 1.11 trillion cubic feet. The second column supplies Turkey, and the second column expands the reach of healthy oil through South East and Central Europe.

The Western countries mainly receiving gas from the TurkStream network are Hungary, Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece, North Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Romania, with Hungary and Serbia being the primary recipients due to their close ties with Russia.

The TurkStream oil export network across the Black Sea begins at the Russkaya oil compression place in the Krasnodar region of Russia. Photo: Gazprom Transgaz Krasnodar

However, Kyiv refused to take into account a new offer after Russia’s agreement for the passage of its gasoline across Ukraine expired on December 31st, 2013. Ukraine’s decision was supported by the European Commission, even though the lost imports are equivalent to 5 % of European demand.

A&nbsp, key report&nbsp, says that” In 2024, Russian gas reached Europe via three routes: transit through Ukraine ( 30 % ), via Turkey and the Turkstream pipeline ( 31 % ) and as LNG ( 39 % )”.

LNG is mostly delivered from the US and Russia ( with Qatar reportedly joining in the pipeline soon ). To make up for the stoppage of travel through Ukraine, neither the US nor Russia may increase LNG sales. Had the Russian invasion on TurkStream been effective, over 60 % of Europe’s imported natural gas resources would have been cut off.

There are issues with transportation and transfer overland because LNG is more expensive than network fuel. Europe has also&nbsp, imposed gas regulations&nbsp, that may impact the use of natural oil and demand gas reduction technology that is not yet available.

The shutdown of Ukraine and the destruction of the majority of the Nord Stream pipelines ( three of the four destroyed ) could very well endanger Europe’s ability to keep its factories running and homes and businesses preheated.

Germany has already experienced a crisis as a result of the economic effects, which has also contributed to the collapse of the Olaf Scholz partnership government. Germany even attempted to count on renewable energy and by burning more coal, despite the country’s commitment to step out coal-fired electricity generation by 2035. It also tried to do so.

Poto: Julian Stratenschulte/dpa/picture-alliance/Newscom

What is difficult to comprehend is what Ukraine is attempting to accomplish. They have repeatedly attacked nuclear power stations, including on their own country, that, if prosperous, could have sent energy poison wafting through Ukraine and Europe, as well as pieces of Russia.

The Masters of Kyiv may be trying to show to the Europeans that they should help them bail out Ukraine or that they should attack the pipes that supply Europe, but cutting off gas shipments and attacking pipelines may plunge Europe into a death spiral.

There hasn’t been a single look or boo from the EU or Euro-capitals thus far; either way, they are dismissive of the risk or afraid to say something. Truly, the EU was responsible in the Russian gas limit, but no opposition, at least nothing in public.

Washington, for its part, can benefit from selling LNG, but those sales doesn’t provide sufficient to compensate for the shutdowns, real and possible, and blowback from it was fracture NATO even faster than the Ukraine war.

Stephen Bryen is a former US assistant secretary of defense for plan and a special correspondent for Asia Times. This post, which previously appeared on his Substack newsletter&nbsp, Weapons and Strategy, is republished with permission.

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Surveillance tech is changing our behavior – and our brains – Asia Times

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Surveillance systems is present everywhere, from self-service tills to venues to public streets. In the name of safety and security, this widespread tracking is frequently justified.

But our new investigation, published in Neuroscience of Consciousness, reveals a troubling side impact. Surveillance isn’t really changing our habits – it’s altering how our brains process details, operating mostly outside our attention.

Our research demonstrates that being aware of other people’s gaze is unintentionally increase our awareness. These observations have potential long-term effects on social interaction and emotional health.

They even call for a thorough analysis of how continual monitoring might affect us, both subconsciously and subconsciously.

Gently amplifying an old survival mechanism

Humans have the essential ability to recognize another person’s eye in order to manage social settings. This helps us distinguish between friends, view thoughts, and comprehend intentions.

Our brains may be on high alert for social cues as surveillance does gently amplify this traditional survival system.

54 people, all of whom were academic individuals, took part in our review overall. They performed a physical activity while being subjected to surveillance cameras. A control team performed the similar process without security.

Pictures of eyes that either were looking straight at or away from the participants in both groups were shown to the participants.

These faces were temporarily invisible by being presented to one eye only and with a rapidly flashing pattern ( a visual mask ) to the other eye using a technique known as continuous flash suppression.

Under these circumstances, how our brains approach this information before we become aware of it helps to understand how long it takes for a student to file the experience.

Surveillance camera overlooking a large crowd of people in front of a historical building.
Surveillance alters how we act and the way our brains process knowledge. Image: Frippitaun / Shutterstock via The Talk

improvement of our cultural radars in mind

Individuals in both groups were able to identify direct-gazing encounters more swiftly overall, but those who were aware of them developed hyper-awareness about a minute faster than the control group.

This perception improvement occurred without the members ‘ knowledge. When individuals viewed negative images like mathematical configurations, the faster reaction to visual stimuli was not observed structurally.

This focus on faces highlights the importance of tracking tapping into a more basic neural circuit developed for social processing. It’s not just a matter of increased awareness, it’s a precise development of our social sensor.

This ostensibly simple shift in perspective may have profound effects. A hyper-awareness of eye is a hallmark of many mental health conditions, including social anxiety disorder and schizophrenia.

People who are affected by these conditions frequently experience intense scrutiny, which causes greater fear and stress.

Our results suggest that widespread checking might lead to further escalation of these tendencies. It might increase the stress level in daily life and possibly lead to broader mental health issues.

Furthermore, our review revealed a connect between informed experience and the body’s reaction. Despite the fact that their brains were evidently aware of the security, some participants reported feeling surprisingly unconcerned about being monitored.

This disconnection highlights how quickly we accept frequent observation as a ingrained quality of modern life and normalize it. We hardly ever acknowledge the presence of devices. Our neurons are subtly adjusting to their appearance and gently shaping our opinions as a result.

Circular brick building with dome roof.
The Koepelgevangenis, a former jail in the Netherlands, is one of three Panopticon-style prison in the country. Photo: Milos Ruzicka / Shutterstock via The Talk

Striking a compromise

Our findings are particularly timely in light of recent pronouncements by leaders in the technology sector to increase monitoring. For instance, Larry Ellison, the country’s second richest man and CEO of computer engineering firm Oracle, has pitched his eyesight for an always-on, AI-powered surveillance state.

Concerning the balance between individual freedom and security are major concerns raised by this vision.

According to research, people behave more different when they believe they are being watched. For instance, they become more good and less likely to indulge in antisocial habits.

Our recent study’s findings highlight the potential unintended cost of regular tracking: a subtle but widespread change in how our brains perceive and interact with the world.

The 18th century scientist, Jeremy Bentham, proposed the Panopticon as a prison style where the bare possibility of study encourages self-regulation.

However, a significant body of internal research conducted over the past 50 years has demonstrated that the difference between an observer’s implied social presence and their actual presence is crucial to behavioral changes.

We must pay attention to both its intended effects and its delicate, unconscious effect on our thoughts and functioning as monitoring becomes more and more integrated into the fabric of our life.

Roger Koenig is a senior research fellow at the Graduate School of Health, University of Technology Sydney, and Kiley Seymour is associate professor of neuroscience and actions.

The Conversation has republished this post under a Creative Commons license. Read the original content.

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In defense of Chinese deflation – Asia Times

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And it don’t get money, don’t get popularity
Don’t have no credit cards to drive this train

&nbsp, – Huey Lewis and the Information

” What’s so awful about depreciation”? President Xi Jinping said, according to the Wall Street Journal. ” Don’t people like it when things are cheaper”?

This ( possibly apocryphal ) nugget has been popular on social media and in the media as fears of Japanification have once more piqued the imaginations of even highly educated economists and pundits.

As President Xi has but evidently demonstrated level financial knowledge, old tropes and buzzwords are being flung with gleeful abandon. These include balance sheet recession, negative spiral, lost decade. &nbsp,

Or has he? Han Feizi even asks the same problem,” What’s so awful about deflation”? and may go so far as to say,” People surely like it when items are cheaper”!

Every economist ought to be asking this question as China continues to expand its manufacturing sector, which, according to the UN, is on track to account for 45 % of the world’s total by 2030 (up from 30 % in 2022 ).

No, China is no turning Japanese. Depreciation in China’s event is no equivalent to what Japan saw in the mid-1990s, but is, in reality, its general reverse.

Japan’s recession was brought on by a bad demand shock, which caused its bubble economy to burst. At the time, Japan was the world’s most expensive business, topping the Economics ‘ Big Mac index, among other measures. The desire curve was shifted in by the bubble’s burst, leading to lower overall demand and lower prices.

Due to a good supply shock, China’s current deflation is the result of credit being diverted from the property sector to more sophisticated manufacturing. The lowest rates in the world are already attained in China. Higher overall supply and lower prices have been attributed to technology and advanced manufacturing, which has caused a downward trend in supply curve shifts.

China’s automobile industry is the poster boy for this growth as soaring funding and fierce opposition among new EV participants flood the marketplace with whizzbang designs with possibly higher efficiency and more creative features. &nbsp,

In 2024, the average new car sales price in China was about RMB180, 000 ( ~US$ 25, 000 ), which bought a mid-level trimmed BYD Han large sedan. In 2020, the average new car sales price in China was RMB150, 000 ( ~$ 22, 000 ), which was good for a compact Toyota Corolla. The BYD Han was also introduced in 2020 with an entry-level price of RMB233, 000 ( ~$ 34, 000 ).

Although both ASPs and device sales have increased since 2020, the biggest gain for consumers was deflation. In 2024, Chinese customers were paying substantially higher prices for somewhat more cars. However, they were able to purchase larger, more expensive models with better performance and more advanced functions.

Chinese EVs are then expected to perform group tricks like cylinder change, map change around one vehicle, crab move ( Google it ), or jump over potholes– Knight Rider” Turbo Boost” style. In recent years, price/performance/feature wars have gotten out of hand. &nbsp,

Glenn Luk, a Chinese analyst, has monitored the features and prices of BYD’s Qin Plug-in Hybrid Electric Vehicle ( PHEV ) at its lowest level. Over a period of 16 years, BYD has cut Qin prices by more than half ( ~$ 14, 000 ) while quadrupling range and power.

The only instance of a true deflationary spiral to come to mind is the US Great Depression, which is incredibly uncommon. Deflation is typically self-limiting for the simple reason that prices can’t fall below zero and frequently quickly crash into underlying costs, as opposed to inflation, which has no upside cap.

Even Japan, which experienced a couple of lost decades of economic growth, did not experience a decline in living standards as deflation lowered prices, delivering higher-end goods and services as the Japanese became even more meticulous about their attention to detail and quality. &nbsp, &nbsp, &nbsp,

Economic experts say that a modest level of inflation is optimal for the operation of the Keynesian economy. According to Keynes, the idea behind the concept of” the paradox of thrift” is that falling prices encourage consumers to delay purchases in order to wait for better deals.

Although this paradox may be true, modern consumers should be aware that replacement cycles are naturally deflationary and are frequently challenging for any reasonable amount of inflation to overcome, especially those with a technology component.

In 40 years, we went from shoulder-carried JVC boom-boxes to Sony Walkmans to Discmans to Apple iPods to smartphones with wireless earbuds. With “hedonic” adjustments to inflation data, whose accuracy is at best open for debate, economists attempt to make these improvements work.

Consumer goods in China are experiencing a revolution in “hedonic” improvements, not just in the auto sector. It is absurd to give hedonic improvements just a few percentage points for improvements in products and services from cars to electronics to smartphones to appliances to restaurant services to boutique hotels. Han Feizi has written on this before ( here, here and here ).

We can safely assume that growth in the medium term will be fueled more by shifting the supply curve than the demand curve, increasing aggregate supply while watching prices decline, given the apparent ascendancy of the Industrial Party faction within the Communist Party of China.

More expensive goods of higher quality are the definition of deflation in good condition. Deflation is also present in its bad form in many products of declining quality at lower prices.

Although it would be nice to see demand curve shifts, China’s leadership seems unwilling to use policy tools to accomplish that. In order to push out the demand curve, the Western economic Covid playbook recommended that consumers be given checks, which would run the risk of inflation and the loss of purchasing power.

While China has implemented targeted consumption stimulus like trade-in subsidies for EVs and discount vouchers on appliances and mobile phones, stimulus measures have largely been directed towards the supply side – fixing local government balance sheets, installing digital/smart city infrastructure and directed lending to advanced manufacturing ( e. g. EVs, solar, batteries, semiconductors, automation, etc ). China’s strategy runs the risk of deflation and unprofitable investment leading to stagnant growth.

Some analysts contend that the weak demand is to blame for China’s deflation. For the most part, this analysis stems from confusion.

Economists have never really seen supply-driven deflation in their lifetimes. Deflationary moments in recent memory have all been demand shock events – post-bubble Japan, the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis, the 2008 global financial crisis, etc. China’s moribund property market provides a superficial veneer of similarity.

The glorious post-Civil War economy of the US from 1873 to 1899 was the last to experience prolonged supply-driven deflation. After bloodily settling America’s family business in favor of the North, industrialization was pursued with a vengeance. Investments in railways, steel production and manufacturing resulted in extraordinary increases in output and, subsequently, falling prices.

The likelihood of China experiencing two decades of supply-driven deflation should not be dismissed given the largely successful Made in China 2025 project, the ascendancy of the Industrial Party, and a projected tripling of China’s STEM workforce in the next two decades.

In fact, that kind of productivity increase – 20 years of deflation – may be the only way to industrialize the Global South, which needs capital and capital goods ( i. e., solar, electrical systems, infrastructure, vehicles, etc ) far more than it needs market access ( see here ).

So” What’s so bad about deflation”? we ask again. The level of economic ignorance it engenders appears to be the worst aspect of deflation.

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