Real murders behind hit novel Butter exposed Japan’s media misogyny – Asia Times

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Japan, 2009. It is a sunday in August. A person is spotted lying in the back seats of a rental car in a parking lot in Saitama, a provincial capital, about 30 kilometers north of Tokyo. Yoshiyuki Oide is his brand. It turns out that he’s not having a rapid sleep – he’s dying.

His suicide is primarily thought to be a murder, and the produce is carbon monoxide poisoning. But the officers are no convinced, but they knock on the door of the female Oide had been dating, 35-year-old Kanae Kijima. The research into what had come to be known in the internet as the” Konkatsu killer” situation has just begun. The name derives from konkatsu, meaning relationship looking.

Data from the investigation led to the discovery that Kijima may have killed three people she met on dating websites. Initial reports of suicide were false, but all three murders were later determined to be fabricated. Kijima, who has always maintained her innocence, was found criminal in 2012 on the basis of what was commonly accepted to be anecdotal evidence, mostly due to the court’s agreement. She was sentenced to death. The decision was upheld in successive panders, and she is now on death row awaiting murder.

Kijima’s circumstance was equivalent to that of Chisako Kakehi, who died in prison on December 26, 2024, while under sentence of death. After a court determined that she had entrapped and swindled money from three men ( including her husband ), she had been found guilty of murder and fraud, and she had been sentenced to the death penalty. She had also been found guilty of murder and fraud.

But there was also a unique feature to Kijima’s case. Numerous media outlets have been paying attention to the defendant’s appearance since the beginning rather than the terrible nature of the crime. How could a girl described as “ugly and overweight” maintain to draw these people, according to versions on the same problem in common boards, newspapers, and magazines?

There was a rumor that her success was due to her “homely” traits, which are thought to be the myth of plump women as being cheery, nurturing, and excellent cooks. It was suggested that men may choose for a woman’s comfort and kindness over a fashionable woman’s “air of superiority”.

Someone who has been given the death penalty in Japan typically vanishes from the public attention. However, Kijima kept a site where she detailed her lifestyle and relationships, and continued to blog entries that during and after the trial, perhaps through her attorneys. She continues to write about a variety of topics, including the types of cookies that are available in the confinement facility and the conditions on the death row. She also offers nutritional advice and reflections on the lay judge experiment in Chinese legal procedure.

Kijima pushed up, but the media eagerly mined her posts to dispel myths about gender roles and look. She has used her thoughts to highlight these biases in her analysis of the legal evidence in her sharp criticism of the emphasis on her looks and sex.

Telling the story

Cover of Butter by Asako Yusuki
The case’s fictionalized accounts raises questions about Japanese women’s stereotypes. google/books

For her book Butter, author Asako Yuzuki used Kijima’s event as inspiration to create a hypothetical tale. A journalist who is covering the case of a lady murderer is sucked into her swirling fascination with butter and generous food, exposing sexism and fat-phobia in Asian society.

Kijima, who has published both a narrative and a debut novel, wrote on her blog to express her profound dissatisfaction with the publication of the book, writing,” What Yuzuki and the editor are doing is nothing short of fraud. They are complicit in murder if they violate external communication rights, not only thieves. I truly believe this book is crass because they continue to use my title without permission.

But, when I interviewed her, artist Yuzuki insisted that, more than the details of the crime, she was interested in the relevance of Kijima’s circumstance, in how the Chinese media frequently sensationalize tales.

Chinese media frequently reflect the viewpoint of strong men. … This discovery was pivotal for me. Prior to that, I hadn’t really considered elections or discrimination in the internet or had much questioned it. However, it hit a muscle when it came to something I adore – eating.

Stereotypes and societal objectives

In her guide, Yuzuki queries some deep-seated Chinese stereotypes – especially around people and eating. She says that the concept of “marriage looking” is also popular in Japan, and women who love cooking are generally labelled as “domestic” or “obedient”.

But, in her practice, people excited about eating is far from obedient. Cooking is potent, in contrast, and a person experienced in the kitchen could just as quickly hurt someone as she could hydrate them. ” There’s a fine line between caring and risky precision”, she told me.

Social media have grown to be a powerful tool for protesters and poets like Yuzuki to interact with others and increase their voice. She has joined other writers in advocating for marginalised groups, including physical immigrants, highlighting the intersectionality of problems such as gender, class, and criminal justice.

Through the writings of writers including Yuzuki and through the Kijima event, the Kijima event offers a strong representation on the impact of political expectations regarding sex and demeanor. Through the facts, Kijima’s blog posts from prison, and through the work of writers including Yuzuki, the Kijima case is a rich source of inspiration. Beyond the question of guilt or innocence, it demonstrates how female criminals are criticized for their deeds as well as for breaking the rules of femininity.

This dual scrutiny coincides with historical biases in Japan, where women who challenge societal norms are frequently portrayed as dangerous outliers. Kijima’s portrayal as an unconventional femme fatale evokes the 19th-century trope of “poison women” – dofuku. This portrays women as obliterating forces that ruin the lives of those who live there.

The death penalty was only used once in 2022 and not at all in 2023, so it appears to be a method of exemplary justice. Many Japanese people believed she had murdered many people while disobeying conventional expectations for femininity.

The case has reinforced the idea that her crimes extended beyond the courtroom to the realm of societal betrayal.

Martina Baradel is a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Oxford on the Marie Curie.

The Conversation has republished this article under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Three reasons why gold’s record run is different – Asia Times

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Gold opened in London January 31 at an all-time history of$ 2.845 an ounce. Platinum is a form of protection from political and financial disasters. More specifically, it has become a special insurance coverage against systemic risk, breaking apart from other resources it used to record – foreign assets and other metals, for instance, as well as inflation-linked Treasuries.

That may worry politicians in Washington.

Trump declared during his election plan,” I may end the war in Ukraine, I will stop the panic in the Middle East, and I will stop World War III from occurring,” adding,” You have no idea how near we are.” Trump vowed to put an end to the Ukraine War within a time of taking office, but peace is still not in view. The West didn’t accept Russia’s primary need for Ukrainian neutrality. Nevertheless, Russia continues to crush out regular gains.

What will the US would if Russia wins the military in a significant way over Ukraine? No single knows, and the price of end-of-the-world healthcare continues to rise.

Gold’s document work is distinctive in three ways.

First, gold stopped trading with other metals, including gold, copper and various professional metal. That partnership lasted from 2007 until the close of 2023. Gold has increased significantly over the past year, while another metal have not.

Next – as we have noted usually – gold traded in combination with the supply of inflation-protected US Treasuries, or TIPS. Both are types of protection against sudden inflation and serious dollar depreciation. However, after the US and its allies seize$ 300 billion of Russian foreign exchange reserves in March 2022, gold became decoupled from TIPS provides. A plan of insurance that the insurer may seize at will is less appealing than gold in a central bank vault.

Third: Different currencies used to indicate a wall against the dollar. The Japanese renminbi, an alternative to the penny, was almost tracked by the silver price. However, in 2022, this marriage ended. For one thing, Japan’s government debt is now 250 % of GDP ( twice the US figure of 120 % ), and the central bank owns more than half of that debt. Japan’s inflation has crept up, eroding consumer purchasing power and weakening the region’s political organizations. The japanese is no longer a haven for foreign currency investors. The Euro, which has the bag of fragile and depressed markets like France and Italy, is not.

The United States must sell more than a trillion dollars of assets to the rest of the world annually with a trade deficit of$ 1.2 trillion and a net international investment position of negative$ 25 trillion. Five years ago, foreign investors stopped purchasing US bill, and since then, the country has been selling tech companies to foreigners to help it balance its trade deficit. A stock market selloff may have negative effects on the US dollar.

During his confirmation hearings, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent pointed out that the US federal deficit, which ranges between 6 % and 7 %, is unprecedented for a time without war or recession. As I wrote December 20 in Asia Times, the gap may be Trump’s rival. American businesses now have the ability to cover the majority of the US government’s gap since 2020 as a result of foreign central banks ‘ reductions in their investments of US Treasuries. However, to get interest-sensitive personal investors, it will require either lower interest rates to help banks purchases of Treasuries, which are expansionary, or higher yields on government loan.

Both the global financial picture and the geopolitical balance are becoming more dangerous. Gold’s cost run provides a disturbing measure of risk perceptions, and it has evolved into a unique hedge against both types of risk.

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Western private equity firms return to Japan – Asia Times

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They’re again. After a break earlier in the new millennium, American private equity firms are increasingly&nbsp, targeting Japan for their Eastern investment techniques. And the Chinese government and regulators have taken bold steps to welcome them and help make Tokyo Tokyo the world’s first global financial hub.

Back in the late 1990s and early&nbsp, 2000s&nbsp, Japan was a favored destination for European alternative property managers. In 1999, for example, Newbridge Capital, co-founded by Texas Pacific Group ( then TPG), took a lot interest in&nbsp, the online service provider&nbsp, Livedoor. &nbsp,

And, in 2000, J. Christopher Flowers and Ripplewood Holdings organized a consortium of investors to purchase Japan’s distressed Long Term Credit Bank, renaming it Shinsei ( translation: &nbsp, “rebirth” ). After Shinsei went public in 2004, the bargain was commonly regarded as one of the most successful private equity investments ever, both in Asia and in the early days of private equity investment. &nbsp,

Curiosity Waned&nbsp, &nbsp,

But by the time of the Great Financial Crisis, American businesses began to find other Asian nations, &nbsp, most notably&nbsp, China and South Korea, &nbsp, more open and welcoming –countries&nbsp, where owners could achieve greater financial returns with fewer regulation roadblocks.

While American investors retreated, Eastern PE money continued to undertake to Japan. The Eastern PE large PAG continued to build its staff and&nbsp, investments&nbsp, in Tokyo. The company bought Universal Studios Japan in 2015 and reportedly exited three years later with&nbsp, a&nbsp, five-times&nbsp, return&nbsp, on&nbsp, their purchase. &nbsp, PAG ‘s&nbsp, most significant investment of late&nbsp, is&nbsp, the&nbsp, largest theme park by physical size, Nagasaki’s Huis Ten Bosch.

Nagasaki’s Huis Ten Bosch topic area. Photo: Japan Guide

One industry observer&nbsp, told Asia Times&nbsp, that&nbsp, while, about a decade ago, &nbsp, there were a few&nbsp, of&nbsp, what he calls&nbsp, one-off “predecessor transactions” &nbsp, by mega&nbsp, global&nbsp, funds &nbsp, including KKR and Bain, &nbsp, Western PE firms&nbsp, had&nbsp, largely&nbsp, remained circumspect&nbsp, about Japan&nbsp, – at least &nbsp, until recently&nbsp, when&nbsp, the country &nbsp, made a conscientious effort to win them back by committing to a series of sweeping&nbsp, regulatory initiatives. These included:

•&nbsp, Implementation of the Corporate Governance Code ( 2015, revisions in 2018 and 2021 ): &nbsp, Introduced to improve transparency, accountability, and decision-making in Japanese corporations, which aligns with international standards, the&nbsp, code encourages companies to have more independent directors&nbsp, to provide companies&nbsp, an outside perspective&nbsp, and&nbsp, commitment to shareholder&nbsp, rights, making Japanese companies more attractive to foreign investors, including PE firms.

The Stewardship Code’s implementation ( 2014, revised 2020 ): This code encourages institutional investors to work with the companies they invest in more, putting an emphasis on shareholder returns and sustainable growth. American PE firms discover working with shareholders that promote the implementation of value-adding techniques.

•&nbsp, Tokyo Stock Exchange&nbsp, market restructure ( 2022 ): &nbsp, This initiative simplified and restructured the TSE into three new segments: Prime, Standard, and Growth Markets. By highlighting encouraging growth sectors, the restructuring aims to define market dynamics, boost market visibility, and draw in foreign investors.

•&nbsp, Guidelines for Corporate Takeovers&nbsp, ( 2023 ): &nbsp, This bold action by The Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry ( METI ) &nbsp, is designed&nbsp, to facilitate mergers and acquisitions ( including hostile takeovers ), recognizing them as critical to business revitalization and growth. The 2023 Guidelines aim to improve Chinese people M&amp, A practices by incorporating principles like shareholders ‘ intentions and the union’s fiduciary responsibility to make the Asian business manage business more visible to international clients. &nbsp, This directly benefits private equity firms, which&nbsp, are a major driver of email M&amp, A&nbsp, and as a” white hero” alternative to hostile protesters.

Business observers&nbsp, today&nbsp, say the governmental change toward&nbsp, encouraging&nbsp, greater foreign investment is also aided by a poor yen and persistently low interest rates.

Solid rise

The&nbsp, effect on&nbsp, offer growth has been&nbsp, remarkable. &nbsp, The&nbsp, Japanese&nbsp, Private Equity Association and the Japanese Venture Capital Association &nbsp, track the number of&nbsp, private equity&nbsp, offers in the country as well as the price of&nbsp, those&nbsp, purchases. In 2020, &nbsp, there were 96 personal equity&nbsp, deals valued at&nbsp, 1.2&nbsp, trillion renminbi. By 2023, &nbsp, the&nbsp, deal&nbsp, figures and length had jumped to 125 private equity deals valued at 5.9&nbsp, trillion renminbi.

Expediting the re-entry of&nbsp, western&nbsp, secret equity&nbsp, firms&nbsp, has fallen mostly to FinCity Tokyo, founded in 2019. FinCity Tokyo, &nbsp, a public-private&nbsp, engagement, &nbsp, was created to support &nbsp, owners understand and improve value in the novel regulatory environment. &nbsp, Its&nbsp, stated aim is&nbsp, making&nbsp, Japan’s capital&nbsp, an “international monetary centre”.

To do so, &nbsp, FinCity Tokyo&nbsp, coordinates with the government of Japan, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government&nbsp, and 57&nbsp, part companies including business associations, major financial institutions, international investors&nbsp, and&nbsp, service&nbsp, services. The&nbsp, organization&nbsp, also&nbsp, provides proper assistance to&nbsp, financial&nbsp, firms&nbsp, seeking to&nbsp, enter and&nbsp, operate smoothly&nbsp, in Japan. Since 2022, it has helped nine global companies, with goods of almost$ 1.3 trillion, &nbsp, to successfully activate and engage in Japan. &nbsp, &nbsp,

FinCity Tokyo ‘s&nbsp, Executive Director Keiichi Aritomo&nbsp, says one of its tasks is helping international investors secure workers in a tight labour market. The company even covers the costs of hiring new PE investors in search of qualified workers.

Accepting non-family control

The failure of&nbsp, Japanese business owners&nbsp, to establish family succession&nbsp, plans&nbsp, used to strike Western investors as a stigma, &nbsp, but owners now&nbsp, have come to&nbsp, welcome&nbsp, external ownership and professional management by Western buyers. Or, as Aritomo of FinCity Tokyo writes, “private equity firms provide the experience to offset labor shortage with skilled management and productivity gains.”

Bain &amp, Company, in a report published last spring, &nbsp, said&nbsp, that Japan was the leading deal market in Asia-Pacific in 2023&nbsp, with private deals as the dominant strategy, noting “more companies are preferring to go private”. And&nbsp, the&nbsp, capital&nbsp, needed&nbsp, to complete deals via limited partnerships is plentiful. ” There is increasing LP appetite for Japan”, noted Sebastien Lamy, co-head of Bain &amp, Company’s Tokyo-based Asia Pacific PE practice.

PE firm&nbsp, Carlyle, based in Washinton, DC, with investments and operations&nbsp, globally, &nbsp, is&nbsp, also focused on&nbsp, Japan. &nbsp, In a report last September, the firm pointed to the positive regulatory changes, the attractive valuations, the stable political climate and the continued investment opportunities. ” We are seeing many overseas GPs]general partners ] establish offices in Japan for the first time” ,&nbsp, the firm said.

And, in an analysis last year, &nbsp, the management consulting firm, &nbsp, McKinsey&nbsp, &amp, Company, &nbsp, noted that, &nbsp, while&nbsp, Japanese&nbsp, private equity&nbsp, is&nbsp, a growing presence in the financial landscape, the industry still has &nbsp, more room&nbsp, to grow.

Increasingly, western private equity players&nbsp, have gotten&nbsp, the message.

Owen Blicksilver is a private equity-focused public relations executive in New York.

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Aung San Suu Kyi isn’t the villain of Myanmar’s tragedy – Asia Times

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Myanmar is in collapse. The country has experienced unrelenting conflict since the military coup in February 2021, with popular crimes, thousands of lost lives, and more than two million people displaced.

With the prison of all elected officials, including State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, government officials, and more than 21, 000 captives of conscience, a restrictive military government has added to the rigorous destruction of political institutions.

Some reviewers have chosen to criticize the State Administration Council junta, the organization’s most notable sufferer, in the midst of this terrible landscape’s horrors.

Benedict Rogers ‘ recent article,” The world must end its silence on Aung San Suu Kyi” ( Union of Catholic Asian News, January 17, 2025 ) indulges in distorted half-truths. Rogers portrays Suu Kyi as the criminal in a horror engineered by the very defense she has constantly opposed, despite his so-called great purposes.

This is not journalism—it’s the persuasive equivalent of lighting a fire beneath a female enduring her 19th season of imprisonment, including her third parallel year in solitary confinement, and calling it justice.

Mainstream media has taken to calling Myanmar a “forgotten state”, but a video from&nbsp, The Independent&nbsp, next December reveals a state not so much forgotten as consciously ignored. Some lament the demise of” the one democratic hope that Burma had,” as well as her repulsive behavior by those who unnecessarily desired a saint before being sullied by realpolitik.

” Some editors I speak to presently say they got it wrong about my family”, explains Aung San Suu Kyi’s child, Kim Aris, featured prominently in the film&nbsp,” Terminated”, talking to us before its release.

A clear correlation is found between Western reporting, heightened sectarian violence, and rising nationalism, according to research from organizations like Care International. As Sir John Jenkins, former UK ambassador to Myanmar, explains in the documentary, Suu Kyi’s abandonment by her “international friends” during the Rohingya crisis enabled the military to launch its 2021 coup d ‘état.

Tightrope over an abyss

Labeling Suu Kyi’s 2019 defense of Myanmar at The International Court of Justice ( ICJ) as a “defense of the military” by a “genocide apologist” carries as much weight as a shadow on a sidewalk. She engaged in a delicate legal and diplomatic defense of her nation at a time when allowing international assistance would have only made things worse.

Despite the fact that condemning either Buddhist or Muslim communities would have only sparked the flames, international observers steadfastly failed to define sectarian violence as intercommunal. Suu Kyi addressed the ICJ by saying,” Myanmar will not tolerate human rights violations committed in Rakhine state and will prosecute the military if war crimes have been committed there.”

These statements acknowledged Myanmar’s difficulties rather than denying atrocities. Her arrival at The Hague was more of an act of survival than a declaration of complicity. To reject the military’s oppressive hold on her government, one would say Suu Kyi is a collaborator.

Suu Kyi’s political philosophy emphasized peace through dialogue and non-vilification. In a society that frequently divides, demonizes, and retaliates, this strategy stands out as a unique one.

Suu Kyi’s intentions are discredited by collusion claims, and Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution is viewed as a military instrument. Dismantling the military was never an option. The only realistic course of action is to implement incremental reform because the system she inherited was meant to obstruct civilian control.

It is a fundamental fact that Suu Kyi’s accusations of failing to end the military’s influence ignore. The real question is not Suu Kyi’s failure to end the military, but why her critics are so eager to shift blame for her actions.

Any analysis of Suu Kyi’s leadership during the Rakhine state crisis that ignores the brutal attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army ( ARS A ) is intentionally misleading and incomplete.

These coordinated attacks &nbsp, by the Islamic terrorist&nbsp, group &nbsp, were a deliberate provocation that had their desired effect of triggering the military’s “area clearance operation” that drove hundreds of thousands of Rohingya into Bangladesh. ARSA’s goal was to destabilize the region and provoke military retaliation.

The establishment of the Kofi Annan Commission on the Rakhine state was a remarkable act of political courage in a nation that is deeply divided by ethnic divisions. Critics often dismiss it as a public relations stunt, ignoring the commission’s real significance. Suu Kyi’s leadership during this time laid the groundwork for reconciliation.

Ignoring ARSA’s purposeful provocation is comparable to analyzing the horrors that occurred on October 7 in Israel without acknowledging the Hamas attacks that caused the rise. Blaming Suu Kyi for the military’s obstructing is just as absurd as blaming a firefighter for an arsonist’s crimes.

People’s mandate

Under her leadership, the National League for Democracy ( NLD ) emerged as a form of peaceful yet defiant opposition to the junta. By the 2020 elections, despite systemic repression, the people of Myanmar overwhelmingly entrusted Suu Kyi with their democratic aspirations. Every vote cast by the NLD was a profound act of defiance, a declaration that Myanmar’s citizens would not bow down to military authoritarianism.

However, critics trivialize this victory and dismiss Suu Kyi’s leadership as a failure. Such criticism disregards the sacrifices of millions who volunteered for their safety and livelihoods to help her campaign for a free Myanmar.

The obsession with Suu Kyi’s alleged failings obscures the crimes committed by the military generals, led by coup-maker Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who have stoked a decades-long reign of terror. These are the men responsible for the 2021 coup, which stifled democracy and caused the nation to fall into chaos.

This ingrained system of terror faced direct challenges under Suu Kyi’s leadership and the NLD’s electoral victories. It is inaccurate to criticize Suu Kyi while downplaying the junta’s crimes. If there is a failure to hold the military accountable, it is not Suu Kyi’s failure—it is the world’s failure to confront the true perpetrators of Myanmar’s tragedy.

It is time to stop using Suu Kyi as a scapegoat for Myanmar’s suffering. Her critics—many of whom once hailed her as a beacon of hope—owe her more than criticism, they owe her an apology.

The military junta has always been the primary architect of Myanmar’s oppression. Suu Kyi embodied the aspirations of millions of people who dared to achieve freedom, despite being far from a perfect leader. The extraordinary resilience of a nation fighting for its dignity is undermined by continuing to demonize her.

Suu Kyi’s imprisonment is more than just a personal tragedy; it is also a betrayal of democracy itself. Her detainment symbolizes the suffocation of a nation’s hopes. The international community must confront the unfairly denigrated smear campaign that has unfairly tarnished her legacy by doing more than just demand her release.

Let history interpret Suu Kyi as what she truly is: a brave leader who adapted to adversity, a flawed yet defiant symbol of her people’s struggle, and a voice for reconciliation in a country shattered by decades of terror. The call is clear:# FreeAungSanSuuKyi&nbsp, and hold the true villains—the junta—accountable for their crimes.

Alan Clements&nbsp, is an author, investigative journalist and former Buddhist monk ordained in Myanmar, where he lived for years immersed in the country’s spiritual and political landscapes. He is the author of&nbsp,” Burma: The Next Killing Fields” ?&nbsp, and&nbsp,” The Voice of Hope”, &nbsp, co-authored with Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as the four-volume&nbsp,” Burma’s Voices of&nbsp, Freedom” &nbsp, and&nbsp,” Aung San Suu Kyi From Prison and a Letter to a Dictator” .&nbsp, His decades-long work focuses on Myanmar’s ongoing struggle for democracy, human rights and spiritual resilience.

Fergus Harlow&nbsp, is a writer, scholar and human rights advocate. He co-authored&nbsp,” Burma’s Voices of&nbsp, Freedom” &nbsp, and&nbsp,” Aung San Suu Kyi From Prison and a Letter to a Dictator”, &nbsp, providing an in-depth exploration of Myanmar’s political crises and the resilience of its people. Harlow’s work centers on the intersections of democracy, spirituality and global human rights.

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Trump’s ball of confusion bedeviling global markets – Asia Times

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Global traders are faced with a string each new month that they must play out in real time. As the Donald Trump 2.0 administration hits the ground running in 2025, punters will fight three.

They are: the direction of the US dollar, Xi Jinping’s ideas for the renminbi, and how business tensions may play out in the end.

Making matters worse, each relies in piece on three more imponderables: Trump’s propensity for&nbsp, plan chaos, how China might reply, and the ways in which Washington might react against Beijing’s retaliation— and vice versa.

” As we step into 2025, the global market stands at a perilous juncture, greatly shaped by an overall theme: uncertainty”, says Marcello Estevao, chief economist at the Institute of International&nbsp, Finance.

Estevao adds that “from political choices to plan implementations, the lack of quality emanates mostly from the new Trump presidency. This confusion extends far beyond the United States, permeating world markets, business relationships and regulatory systems”.

This year, Jerome Powell’s board successfully defied the leader, adding urgency to the first wildcard. Trump stated to the crowd in Davos earlier this month that he would “demand that interest rates drop soon.”

In the days before the Fed’s January 29 determination to remain touch, Trump let it be known that lower levels are a vital second-term goal. &nbsp, Team Powell&nbsp, ignored the jawboning, sparking an instant response. Trump even accused&nbsp, Powell’s team&nbsp, of letting diversity, equity and inclusion ( DEI ) considerations get in the way.

As Trump wrote on cultural media:” If the Fed had spent less time on DEI, female ideology,’ clean’ power and false climate change, inflation would never have been a problem”.

Trump complained that “because Jay Powell and the Fed failed to stop the difficulty they created with inflation, I will do it by unleashing American power output, slashing rules, rebalancing global trade and reigniting American manufacturing”.

Investors know better than to reject Trump’s babblings. In his first word from 2017 to 2021, Trump went after his hand-picked Fed chair early and often. Trump encouraged Powell to reverse the Fed’s tightening pattern and reduce costs in 2019. It worked.

Since then, Trump has made a place of slamming the Fed at every opportunity. On the campaign route last October, &nbsp, Trump&nbsp, mocked Powell’s Fed. ” I think it ‘s&nbsp, the&nbsp, greatest job in government”, Trump&nbsp, told&nbsp, Bloomberg. ” You show up to&nbsp, the&nbsp, department once a month and you say,’ this state flip a coin ‘ and everybody talks about you like you’re a heaven”.

Trump&nbsp, even argues that leaders should have a strong claim in financial decisions. ” The Federal Reserve is a very&nbsp, interesting&nbsp, thing and it’s kind of gotten it wrong a lot”, Trump told an audience next year.

He added that,” I feel&nbsp, the&nbsp, leader should have at least stayed that, yeah. I feel that clearly. I think that, in my situation, I made a lot of money. I was extremely prosperous. And I believe I have a better sense of instinct than those who would frequently serve as the president of the Federal Reserve.

Commandeering&nbsp, Fed policy&nbsp, choices may be a way to weaken the money. Trump and his officials make it clear that the Fed’s liberation is in jeopardy. The” Project&nbsp, 2025″ scheme that Republican operatives cooked up for Trump 2.0 includes curbing the Fed’s autonomy.

Some economists believe that a part of the reason for lower rates is because Trump is more easily finance his governmental programs. The$ 1.7 trillion tax cut that Trump signed in his first term and additional cuts that his Republican party is considering are among them.

With the federal loan now topping$ 36 trillion, Trump’s management will need to keep costs as low as possible. However, Trump and the Fed may soon have a strained relationship, which could lead to dollar-neutrality.

The yuan string may be quite&nbsp, Trump-dependent, also. The Xi government is currently restraining itself from stifling the renminbi for trade advantage. Investors have a unique view of China’s path, betting on a strongly lower exchange rate.

In recent months, the difference between 10-year royal Chinese bill provides and similar US securities reached an unprecedented&nbsp, 300&nbsp, basis&nbsp, points. Despite Team Xi’s storm of signal efforts, that’s despite. It suggests owners think&nbsp, China’s worst move of deflation&nbsp, since the late 1990s amid the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis is here to stay.

It suggests, also, that investors think a Taiwanese devaluation was soon rock world markets.

The People’s Bank of China has been keeping a lid on the renminbi for a variety of factors. One goal is to maintain Beijing’s current efforts to devalue the financial system. PBOC Governor&nbsp, Pan Gongsheng&nbsp, may fear that cutting costs does incentivize poor banking and saving decisions.

Another: Property developers could mistake as a result of a weaker yuan because they find it more difficult to pay off offshore debt. Global traders are now keeping an eye on China Vanke’s cash issues.

Putting&nbsp, renminbi internationalization&nbsp, in trouble is another issue. The Xi’s government has been working to improve the dollar’s use in industry and finance for almost a decade.

Beijing stepped up cooperation with the BRICS — Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa— and International South countries to tilt away from the dollar-centric world order.

Reverting to the old beggar-thy-neighbor guidelines may irritate foreign investors. And tarnished the dollar’s chances of securing reserve-currency position.

A weaker rmb could lead to the belief that Japan, South Korea, and other leading Asian nations have the right to ingrain them on trade prices. That could lead to a turbulent descent in money markets. The Trump White House, which is in danger of starting the biggest trade conflict in world past, do not ignore that.

The Trump issue feeds into string No 3: where trade hostilities might keep the&nbsp, world economy&nbsp, by the end of 2025.

This is unquestionably the least foreseeable policy outlook. Trump, after all, continues to change his mind about the direction of US tariffs. One day, they’re coming. The next day, Trump is stating that he hopes taxes on Chinese goods won’t be necessary.

” For the sake of business certainty and visibility, particularly for small businesses, figure out what you’re doing with tariffs as quickly as possible”, Peter Boockvar, chief investment officer at Bleakley Financial Group. ” Right now, it’s just a&nbsp, giant global cloud&nbsp, overhead that has businesses around the world on edge”.

The US economy, says Desmond Lachman, senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, “is not an economic island, and serious economic problems abroad could come back to harm our financial system, our export sector and adversely impact our companies ‘ earnings”.

According to US media reports, the billionaire brigade surrounding Trump’s second administration is lobbying Trump not to start a&nbsp, tariff arms race&nbsp, with Beijing. The impact of global growth, aside from being inflationary for the US, could devastate the bottom lines of businesses from Amazon to Apple to Tesla.

According to economist Paul Ashworth of Capital Economics, “any of these suggested tariffs would lead to a rebound in consumer price inflation this year, taking it even higher above target and making it more difficult for the Fed to resume loosening monetary policy.”

II F’s Estevao adds that” the complex interplay of these factors has already begun to reshape expectations for growth, inflation, and investment. The early days of the Trump administration’s second term have been marked by a flurry of executive orders and&nbsp, policy signals&nbsp, that underscore its intent to recalibrate US trade and immigration policies. The administration has indicated plans to target key industries, including European automobiles and Asian electronics, despite not having any new tariffs yet in place.

So far, Trump is keeping markets guessing on China tariffs. Though Canada and Mexico could be hit with&nbsp, 25 % levies&nbsp, on February 1, China appears to be getting a reprieve. Question is, can it last? Many policymakers, investors, and corporate CEOs are hopeful that Trump will prioritize a significant US-China trade agreement over tariffs.

According to ING Bank’s chief economist for China, Lynn Song believes that Trump’s trade war threats are merely” a bargaining chip” in achieving his China policy objectives, which include limiting the flow of fentanyl, agreeing to a deal for a TikTok sale, etc.

Team Trump also may realize that today’s China is markedly less reliant on the US economy than in 2017, when Trump’s first term began, notes economist Louis Gave at Gavekal Dragonomics. China, Gave argues, “is probably more productive than any economy has ever been”.

China’s innovative game, meanwhile, is on display with the sudden emergence of DeepSeek&nbsp, as an artificial intelligence game changer. Nvidia’s shares alone lost$ 600 billion, the biggest deluge of red ink in corporate history.

Investors are pondering how to invest in the remainder of 2025 as a result of the general stock plunge. Vivek Arya, an analyst at Bank of America, says many clients “view the recent selloff as an enhanced buy opportunity” for Nvidia shares.

Others sense that this” Sputnik moment” in AI speaks to China’s huge investments in semiconductors, electric vehicles, renewable energy, robotics, biotechnology, aviation, high-speed rail and other sectors finally gaining traction in ways the Trump 2.0 gang might not realize.

However, asset classes across asset classes will be in control of how this trifecta of risks develops this year. And how much of the dollar, yuan, and Trumpian assaults on the global trading system change.

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

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Glaring and widening gap in Asia justice – Asia Times

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The Asia-Pacific area is a powerful gateway of economic growth and individual development. Network tower is rising, life expectancy is increasing, hunger is declining, health care and education, albeit with some limitations, are improving.

By contrast, quite remarkable progress is lacking in some areas of management, no least the rule of law and access to justice. In the Asia-Pacific, where millions of people are denied their legal rights, protracted prison without trial is common, and where the court systems frequently lack integrity, transparency, and transparency, the justice system remains a place.

Not everyone is treated equally in court or before a court. In some Asia-Pacific states, women face widespread prejudice, most vividly in Afghanistan. They do not have the same access to authorities as men do, and their judgments frequently disregard their statements and rights. They also do not have the same property rights and inheritance rights as men.

Also, excluded and minority neighborhoods – such as indigenous cultures, persons with disabilities, and remote and displaced populations find access to justice to be a difficult problem, especially in matters of civil justice. And some people in conflict-ridden nations like Myanmar are left without access to formal fairness systems.

Justice is more than regulations and courthouses, it is the basis of capital, respect and resilience. It is a crucial component of social cohesion and unity in areas. Justice is a common fine that must be provided to all, just like it is with healthcare and education.

When righteousness is denied, it is not only an individual who suffers—it is the very fabric of society that is affected. Injustice perpetuates cycles of poverty and isolation, destabilizes communities, and undermines public trust.

Unfairness compounded by corruption, financial crises, and poverty ignites hate, that drives people to rally in the roads, as witnessed just in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. Building on fundamental principles, the justice gap in Asia’s then prosperous development story needs to be filled.

Justice systems may be visible and fair to everyone, going beyond traditional authorities. Proper legal systems should coexist more closely with indigenous and conventional laws that have for centuries been the core of community justice across Asia and the Pacific.

Justice for all requires greater appreciation of conventional justice systems that promote diversity and trust, as well as typical law. Inspiration and potential for propagation are provided by powerful examples.

Bangladesh’s Village Courts, for example, enable remote communities to effectively handle daily disputes and develop trust and fairness by providing attainable and reasonably priced justice in remote areas.

Other mechanisms for dispute resolutions you improve justice and, in movement contexts, ease tension. In the Kachin state of Myanmar and the Cox’s Bazar, where local negotiators and civil society organizations are negotiating housing, property, and property rights, as well as work problems, this has happened in the Rohingya tents.

Legitimate assistance and having access to data are a neglected tool for improving justice. During the Covid-19 pandemic, this view proved effective, in countries like Sri Lanka and Fiji, where technology facilitated increased access to legal information, assistance, and guidance, streamlined case management, and addressed the issue of pretrial detention.

Legal assistance and access to information must move away from being a component of a crisis response and toward mainstream justice, as can be seen from these examples.

Justice must also change in order to deal with pressing issues that have been ruled out of court for far too long. Environmental protection and climate change are two of the most obvious examples. In today’s world, justice for the planet is inseparable from justice for the people.

Farmers are losing their land as a result of rising seas, homes are destroyed, and livelihoods are ruined, and air pollution threatens the health of millions of people.

At a recent United Nations Conference on Inclusive Justice Pathways for People and Planet, Richa Shrestha, a young Indigenous climate activist from Nepal, posed a powerful question:” As a law student, I learned to defend freedom of speech and political assembly. But how do I defend the air we breathe”?

Environmental harm, conflict, climate-induced displacement, exclusion, and inequality are not unrelated issues, they are deeply intertwined, leaving millions vulnerable and deprived of basic human rights. Legal frameworks must, therefore, evolve to recognize and enhance environmental justice, address climate-related disputes, and the competence of tribunals linked to environmental cases.

States are currently being sued by citizens all over the world for failing to uphold their legal obligations to protect citizens from climate and environmental issues.

The European Court of Human Rights ruled in April of last year that Switzerland had violated the rights of its citizens by failing to address climate change, setting a precedent globally. Similarly, in 2021, Germany’s highest court delivered a historic ruling that deemed the government’s climate legislation insufficient for lacking detailed emission reduction targets beyond 2030.

In Asia and the Pacific, momentum for environmental justice is also growing. Since 2017, there have been more than double the number of climate change-related legal cases in the world, with about a third coming from Asia and the Pacific.

In December 2024, the International Court of Justice held hearings on governments ‘ legal obligations to protect the environment and combat climate change, following a historic 2023 UN resolution spearheaded by Vanuatu, Pacific students and 17 other countries, including Samoa, Vietnam, Micronesia and New Zealand.

The court’s decision is anticipated to be a turning point in climate justice, possibly putting international commitments into action, in 2025.

A legitimate right and a pressing need are justice systems that are fair, truly centered on the needs of the people they are meant to serve in Asia and the Pacific.

Christophe Bahuet is deputy regional director for&nbsp, Asia&nbsp, and the&nbsp, Pacific&nbsp, and director, &nbsp, UNDP&nbsp, Bangkok Regional Hub.

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Opiate War: US-China in a fearsome fentanyl fight – Asia Times

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In response to the illegal import of the opioid fentanyl into the US, US President Donald Trump recently threatened to impose an additional 10 % tariff on goods coming from China.

Fentanyl has emerged as the most recent staging area for a trade war between the country’s two largest economy. China is currently the main producer of the prelude chemicals needed to make fentanyl.

Both China and the US have taken steps to make these chemicals move more effectively. But, Mexico, where fentanyl is produced and then imported into the US, has changed from immediate export to the improper fentanyl network.

Heroin has a long record of damaging battle and trade war, beginning with the First Opium War of 1839-1842, despite the relatively recent class of drugs, including fentanyl.

The Heroin War

In the first half of the 19th century, the English state faced an economic issue. A significant business disparity had resulted from China’s imports of drink, porcelain, and fabric.

Opium grown in areas under British colonial rule was one item that the British were able to exposure in large quantities. The American did morphine flooding the Chinese market as a solution to the trade imbalance. Millions of Taiwanese people were already addicted to the substance in the 1830s.

In 1839, in response to the addiction crisis, the Chinese emperor sent an official, Lin Tse-hsu, to Canton ( modern-day Guangzhou ), the home base for British opium merchants, to stem the flow of opium and destroy the stockpiles of the drug.

The British merchants reacted to his actions, asserting that the Chinese assault harmed free business principles and demanded payment for the opium that had been destroyed. They efficiently pressed for a military response from the Chinese assault on the American government.

A painting of old warships with sails, one ship seen in the background sinking and on fire
A picture from the Second Battle of Chuenpi, which took place in January 1841, is depicted in a painting by American actor Edward Duncan from around 1843. Image: Edward Duncan via The Talk

Up until 1842, when the conflict was over, the American forces defeated the Chinese militarily in a series of military loses. The agreement gave the British command over Hong Kong as a continuous base, gave large reparations for damaged opium stockpiles, and opened five Chinese slots to European traders.

In the Next Opium War of 1856-1858, when combined British and French forces once defeated China militarily and demanded deeper trade concessions, hostilities broke out.

Morphine and opium-based materials had an ambiguous status throughout the 19th centuries. Laudanum, for example, was a mixture of heroin, beer and spices and was available as medication for pain reduction and sneezes. However, it was also acknowledged as potentially lethal if taken in large quantities and as addictive.

Laudanum bottles had both the recommended dosages ( beginning at three months old ) and a poison warning label.

From heroin to opiates

Fast forward to today, and drugs also have a difficult place in terms of their addictive and opioid status.

An opioid crisis has resulted from extreme selling by pharmaceutical firms that ignored or even denied the possibility of habit, leading to the development of millions of people in the US, Canada, and other countries becoming addicted.

OxyContin and other drugs have helped to lessen problems, but they also have increased addiction issues. In 2016, the leading cause of overdoses and deaths was cocaine, which were followed by chemical opioids like fentanyl.

China was initially reluctant to take measures to help the US deal with its addiction crisis, and the threat of tariffs does not make the Chinese any more likely to want to help. The Heroin War signaled the start of what is referred to as the “century of humiliation” in China, a period when the country was colonized and dictated to by foreign powers.

Trump’s speech on taxes is reminiscent of that time and is unlikely to encourage greater cooperation between the Chinese government and other concerns. This strategy suggests that nothing has been learned about the significance of global cooperation in addressing addiction problems since the Heroin War.

Since the beginning of the Morphine War, China and the West have had significant changes, and many of these changes have resulted in the opioid crisis. However, negotiation may work much better than threating a deal war that brings up historical memories of past conflicts.

Negotiations between former US President Joe Biden’s leadership helped to reach an agreement that might lower the amount of fentanyl entering the nation. This agreement serves as a model for how to overcome the world’s export of fentanyl using compromise as opposed to threats.

Martin Danahay is teacher of English language and literature, Brock University

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Trump needs a realistic and restrained China policy – Asia Times

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Donald Trump’s regional security officials have been called “hawks” in subsequent criticism who support a difficult part for the United States against China. This is incorrect and detracts from the need to put America’s regional objectives at the center of US foreign policy.

Trump’s first time in office suggest a willingness to reach out to Beijing that does not fit with the “hawks” label, the president saying he wants to&nbsp, visit&nbsp, China, and would prefer not to impose levies if a&nbsp, “deal” &nbsp, can be struck on trade.

This should be unsurprising since Trump ‘s&nbsp, appointees&nbsp, include both those committed to standing up to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP ) and those with deep economic investments in the country.

Trump’s China “hawks” include&nbsp, Marco Rubio&nbsp, for secretary of state, &nbsp, Mike Waltz&nbsp, for national security adviser, &nbsp, Pete Hegseth&nbsp, for secretary of defense, &nbsp, Peter Navarro&nbsp, for business director, major advocate of the TikTok ban&nbsp, Jacob Helberg&nbsp, as State Department monetary policy standard, and as deputy national surveillance adviser&nbsp, Alex Wong, anti-CCP Senator Tom Cotton’s past director.

But Trump’s team also includes a new constituency of advisers likely to have a say in China policy: the tech bros. Palantir CEO&nbsp, Alex Karp&nbsp, and&nbsp, Palmer Luckey&nbsp, of autonomous weapons manufacturer&nbsp, Anduril&nbsp, have much to gain from an open congressional spigot on defense spending and both have said the US must prepare for a possible conflict with China.

Elon Musk’s business interests, in contrast, diverge from Tesla, which accounts for a sizable portion of Tesla’s profits, as do many other leading US tech companies. The tech bros are thus divided.

In fact, there are few real “doves” on China in Washington these days. Those like SAIS professor&nbsp, Jessica Chen Weiss or former deputy secretary of state James Steinberg&nbsp, who reject the zero-sum language of much of the debate are far from naïve about the China challenge.

A hawks-and-doves framing neglects the real issue: not what the new administration’s China policy&nbsp, might&nbsp, be, but what it&nbsp, should &nbsp, be. Trump should be guided by realism and restraint, an accurate assessment of the balance of power in Asia and a clear-eyed view of America’s core national interests.

A zero-sum competition framing of China, one that casts any issue in terms of military buildup/deployment or sanctions/tariffs, is unhelpful. China does pose the kind of military challenge America hasn’t faced since the start of World War II, and it has succeeded in standing up to the West in advanced manufacturing, from AI to cars.

But the People’s Republic of China ( PRC ) is not an&nbsp, existential&nbsp, threat. We do not in America have to&nbsp, like&nbsp, the Marxist-Leninist one-party state the CCP is bent on defending, but we can live with it. A less expansive definition of “national security” would be a good way to clarify our definitions of China. This is a lesson that America ought to have taken away from the war on terrorism.

Despite the tensions with the PRC, questions like whether to allow TikTok to operate, whether to own US port equipment or a company like US Steel, or whether foreign-made drones or electric vehicles should be legal, all need serious scrutiny from lawmakers. However, domestic law enforcement should be kept separate from militarized understandings of national security from concerns over fears about propaganda or data theft.

Questions like whether to link TikTok’s military defense of East Asia to a zero-sum discussion of China serve as justification for a grand plan of “primacy” or the preservation of the United States ‘ military might in East Asia.

Primacy, however, is both unrealistic and unnecessary. The People’s Republic of China’s coast should not be the first place the United States should begin its defense. The United States is not responsible for protecting Japan and the nations that border South Korea and New Zealand. Washington can act as a security partner but not as a guarantee.

On Taiwan, the major imperatives are cooling tensions, maintaining the status quo, and not being sucked into a shooting war. The most effective strategy is still to remain uncommitted to the use of force in the event that the PRC attempts to conquer Taiwan.

Beijing may not like a liberal democratic Taiwan, but it can live with one, just like the US with the PRC. Washington cannot prevent Beijing from invading Taiwan, however. If Xi decided to try his hand at capturing the territory, it would not be a policy failure. These conceits of US control, which are used to criticize others for being” soft on China,” serve to reinforce primacy as the only viable strategy.

Nor should domestic investment be a prerequisite for the pursuit of primacy through competition with China. Because they promise good jobs, economic growth, and a boost to domestic innovation, leaders should want to see America at the forefront of new technologies like AI.

Secure supplies of things like critical minerals and semiconductors should, therefore, be a priority absent a peer challenger. No China threat rhetoric is required.

Finally, engagement with Beijing cannot remain off the table, however toxic the word has become. American diplomats don’t like how Beijing conducts diplomacy, in particular their reneging on promises.

However, the Chinese don’t like how America conducts business: lecturing rather than bargaining, avoiding strategic questions, and giving up little while enforcing structural changes. Yet while cheap, talk is still worth the effort.

No matter who Trump appoints —hawk, dove, or tech bro—a realistic and restrained policy attuned to America’s core interests remains the gold standard for making China policy.

David M. McCourt is an associate professor at the University of California, Davis, in the Department of Sociology. He is the author of a book titled&nbsp,” The End of Engagement: America’s China and Russia Watchers and US Strategy Since 1989″. Published with the permission of Defense Priorities.

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Syria gets a new autocrat as Sharaa styles himself ‘president’ – Asia Times

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Forget about Syria becoming an Islamist province. The country’s de facto ruler and former al-Qaeda agent Ahmad Sharaa on Wednesday proclaimed himself” intermediate leader”, with his&nbsp, X account&nbsp, just dropping the word” intermediate” and referring to him as “president of the Syrian Arab Republic”. But who was killed and made Sharaa prince? No one is the truth. In a place where “might is right”, the person with the weapon becomes “president”, and, before we know it, Sharaa may be leader, long.

But not all Syria are on table. Taha Bali, a Syrian-American Sunni from Damascus who has supported the Arab rebellion since its beginning in 2011, has spoken out frequently about Syria’s new ruler and his impulses.

Two months after moving into the People’s Palace, once Bashar Assad’s seat of power, Sharaa had “received foreign ministers, intelligence chiefs, celebrities ,]International Criminal Court ] prosecutor, foreign media and Syrian diaspora”, Bali&nbsp, wrote&nbsp, on X.

But, Sharaa had yet to get people of Syria whom Assad had killed or imprisoned, those injured and maimed in 14 years of civil war, native non-governmental companies, organizations or local advertising. Bali concluded that Sharaa’s intentions were clear. He was only interested in making connections with” the strong,” whether domestic or foreign, so he didn’t speak directly to Syria or travel to areas other than the presidential palace, like the famous Saydnaya prison.

To be honest, Sharaa did left the political house just to meet Qatari Emir Tamim Bin Hamad, whose plane touched down at Syrian airport on Thursday for the first time by a head of state.

In another article, Bali welcomed the formation of all armed groups into a central troops, but added that the incident was used to support for Sharaa taking control of the country.

Another Arab revolution, Mazen Ezzi, a French-Syrian Druze from Sweida in the north, also objected to what looked like Sharaa’s conquest of energy. The fact that Sharaa relied “on military groups, more than political and civil causes”, made it look like a revolt rather than political change, Ezzi&nbsp, argued.

Parties that pledged affiliation to Sharaa, when he proclaimed himself leader, were all Sunni, according to Ezzi. ” Any social process that eliminates Kurds, Alawites, Christians, Druze, Murshidis, Assyrians and others is not a really regional one”, he&nbsp, concluded.

Ezzi was best. Despite” President Sharaa,” large portions of the nation still fall under its purview. In the southeast, the Kurdish Syria Democratic Forces ( SDF) maintain an autonomous government and military. The Kurds insisted on agreeing to the process initially when Sharaw demanded their hands to be surrendered.

According to SDF key Mazloum Abdi,” We told Sharaa that we are willing to join our martial skills to create a national Syrian troops – an organisation with agreed on guidelines and chain of command.” We are not willing to sacrifice to him because Shaara does not want us to be his peers. For the Kurds, it helps that their martial features, and global relationships, are excellent to Sharaa’s. However, with time, the balance of power does shift in favor of them.

Before coming to power, Sharaa asserted that his only goal was to create a different and rich Syria deserving of its citizens and that he was not seeking strength or fame. However, Sharaa’s actions have since demonstrated that he has only feigned his past in order to gain international support for his need to consolidate power and, likely, not give up.

More than 50 years after the Assads took office, Sharaa is still riding on the famous joy of ejecting the Assad monarchy.

But quickly enough, when Sharaa becomes the unquestioned master, he will have to manage. Sharaa will need to use tactics comparable to those of other Middle Eastern dictators, including harsh suppression of opponents and a displacement of responsibility toward foreigners, primarily the West and Israel.

Another technique, probably closer to the emotions of Sharaa’s center, would be to succumb to Islamism. The reeling Iraqi dictator launched the “belief plan” in 1991, adding the Islamic word” God is Excellent” to the flag, after a global partnership ejected Saddam and destroyed Iraq and its market. When Syria encounters unemployment and poverty, it is likely that Sharaa will resurrect his Islamist past and engage in Islamization, which in combination with brutal repression, will lead to the establishment of an Islamic state in Syria, similar to the ISIS in Iraq and Syria.

There’s no guarantee that what comes after will be any different from what came before, but toppling bloody tyrants is great.

Hussain Abdul-Hussain works for the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies ( FDD ) as a researcher.

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Australia’s opposition overtly cozying up to China – Asia Times

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When Peter Dutton was questioned this week about whether a Coalition authorities would continue to promote business relations with China, he unwaveringly stated that” the partnership with China will be much stronger than it is under the Albanese authorities.”

Two factors stood up: Dutton’s individual good speech, and his evident confidence about the future of Australia-China relationships.

It’s not uncommon for opposition leaders to undertake a renovation, to their people or policy, as an election approaches. Anthony Albanese gained new cups and lost pounds. Previously, he’d made Labor a little plan target.

Dutton tries to soften some aspects while maintaining the “hard guy” stereotype on others.

Mid-last time Dutton said:” I’m pro-China and the connection that we have with them. I want to strengthen our buying marriage. There are many companies in this area that rely on it, so we need to make sure we strengthen the trading marriage. However, we must be realistic about attempting to maintain peace because [ …] we live in a very uncertain time. The Prime Minister also asserts that the most difficult time has passed since the Second World War, and he is correct that we must work hard for serenity as well.

Contrast Dutton’s 2021 position as defence minister. Does the Foreign state want to hold other nations? Never in my wisdom. However, they do view us as watershed state. Our nation has fought against this retreat of independence and any disregard for the worldwide law of law since Federation.

Dutton has never altered his opinion of China. Instead, he’s camouflaged them with a softer voice, and in what he chooses to stress. Naturally, things have changed and Australia presently has a much better relationship with China. But tremendously, Dutton needs to appeal to the local Chinese-Australian citizens.

At the 2022 election, the Democrats took a big hit among citizens of Chinese heritage.

The party’s review of its election performance, undertaken by former party director Brian Loughnane and frontbencher Jane Hume, said:” In the top 15 seats by Chinese ancestry the swing against the Party ( on a 2PP basis ) was 6.6 %, compared to 3.7 % in other seats. Nowadays, there are more than 1.2 million Chinese citizens living in Australia. During this legislative session, reestablishing the Party’s partnership with the Chinese community may be top of mind.

Reid and Bennelong in NSW and Chisholm and Aston in Victoria are peripheral Work votes that the Democrats want to win because of the significance of the Chinese voting. This weekend, Dutton ( and the PM) will go a Lunar New Year festival in Box Hill in Melbourne.

It’s significant that David Coleman, named by Dutton next trip as the opponent’s new spokeswoman on international matters, has worked extensively with the Taiwanese community.

The talented James Paterson, one of the finalists for the position, was one of them. Paterson’s continued involvement in domestic politics may have had stronger justifications, but his hardline attitude toward China might have been a part of the equation.

Talking up the good side of the Coalition’s report on China, Dutton harked back to the filing of the free trade agreement under the Abbott state, and said” we want there to be common respect in the relationship”.

Over its years in government, the Coalition’s partnership with China has varied between rational compassion and suspicious anger. Things started to get worse when the Turnbull state called China out over international intervention, passed legislation, and removed Huawei from the 5G network.

The Morrison state therefore demanded an investigation into the causes and management of the Covid outbreak in Wuhan, which considerably sunk.

Despite Dutton’s optimism, it’s more than probable that, regardless of who is in charge, managing the China marriage after the vote might be more difficult than it has been during this one.

The Albanese state is cite the significantly improved diplomatic relationship as one of its most significant efforts in foreign policy. China has brought Australia out of the deep freeze, lifting the A$ 20 billion ( US$ 12.4 billion ) worth of trade barriers it had imposed. Governmental and speech markets have resumed. Albanians are favored in China.

The debate surrounding the new Taiwanese artificial intelligence system DeepSeek comes just as the latest sign of persistent security doubts regarding Chinese technology’s penetration.

( Incidentally, Dutton has an account on the Chinese-owned TikTok– despite it being banned from official government devices – in part to engage with the local Chinese community, as well as with younger people generally. )

Australia’s minerals business is likely prone to Taiwanese displeasure. The Senate, in the next month, will consider the government’s Potential Made in Australia policy, which provides a tax opportunity for processing essential nutrients.

The Chinese have a stronghold in this running and have shown a commitment to use it, such as against Japan. Producers in Australia have had a negative impact from China’s multi-billion money investment in nickel processing in Indonesia.

The change in Australian government undoubtedly contributed to the improvement in the diplomatic relationship, but it was also heavily influenced by China’s individual interests. Also, the future of the connection is more in China’s hands than in Australia’s.

China analyst Richard McGregor, from the Lowy Institute, says:” Relations with China are essentially dangerous. The day-by-day connections have returned to a degree of normal. However, all of the fundamental stresses that led to animosity are also present.

These include China’s “military confidence in the region, contest between the US and China, Australia’s worry about foreign meddling and hackers, China’s efforts to build their strength in the Pacific at the cost of Australia. None of that has gone aside”, McGregor says. The biggest change in recent years is that China has grown significantly more effective and willing to spread its wings.

Australia may find itself in the fire if there is a major deterioration in the US-China connection under Donald Trump, especially if his price policy causes a trade war. Simon Jackman, from the University of Sydney, warns that if US policy hit the ( already struggling ) Chinese economy, that would affect Australian exporters.

According to Jackman,” US tariffs or transfer bans that slowed China’s market do cause some short-medium headaches for American exporters.” If global supply chains had to re-equilibrate in response to an revolution in the US-China trade relationship, Australian export business may find themselves looking for opportunities abroad, as in Trump Mark 1 and Covid.

Surprisingly, the earlier search for diverse markets when the Chinese imposed restrictions on American producers may have helped exporters prepare for such a disaster.

Michelle Grattan is academic fellow, University of Canberra

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