Satellite view of China’s secretive next-generation carrier – Asia Times

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China’s third aircraft provider, known as Type 004, is taking form at the Dalian factory, a next-generation vehicle built for strength prediction with potential nuclear engine and cutting-edge electric launch technology, The War Zone reported.

A package that is compatible with a trip deck and advanced slingshot systems for launching plane, including the J-15 and Z-8 mockups seen outside in the recently released satellite imagery from May 2024, is visible.

Considering legal assembly standards and the presence of mockups that have previously been used for other carriers, the module may be a check or demonstrator segment. The factory, known for constructing China’s earlier Type 001 Liaoning and Type 002 Shandong companies, supports the continued marine growth.

The possible nuclear-powered Type 004 represents a major step in China’s ship features. It features an electric airplane start program ( EMALS), similar to the US Navy’s Ford course, which is gentler on airframes, has a faster recharge rate for more sorties, and can start heavier and more varieties of aircraft.

Those aircraft may include the J-15 with more fuel and munitions and the propeller-driven KJ-600 carrier-based airborne warning and control ( AEW&amp, C ). If so, it might cause China’s carrier’s heat arms to match the US’s.

However, Louis Bearn and Nick Childs mention in a November 2024 International Institute for Strategic Studies ( IISS) article that China must still learn the complexities of catapult-assisted take-off but arrested recovery ( CATOBAR ) carrier operations.

Bearn and Childs note that, at the time of their writing, the testing of China’s second EMALS-equipped ship, the conventional powered Type 003 Fujian, appear to be at the level of familiarizing the team with the boat’s functions and technologies.

They note that the US Navy took six years for its first EMALS-equipped carrier, the USS Gerald R Ford, to go to sea and become fully operational.

Whether Type 004 will be conventional or nuclear-powered is unclear, with arguments for each power plant option.

According to the Associated Press ( AP ), China had created a land-based prototype nuclear reactor for a large surface warship in November 2024, using satellite images of a sizable facility outside Leshan in Sichuan province.

Further, Reuben Johnson mentions in a 1945 article this month that the prototype reactor may not be deployed on China’s upcoming Type 004 and Type 005 carriers but on its Type 006 carrier. According to Johnson, the propulsion system on China’s Type 006 won’t be known until 2026 or the beginning of 2027.

Johnson is interesting to note that China didn’t create a new nuclear reactor for its aircraft carrier rather than repurpose existing ones, like those used to power its Type 093 and Type 094 ballistic missile submarines ( SSBN).

He suggests that China might have taken lessons from France’s experience with changing nuclear reactor designs for its Triomphant SSBNs, Barracuda SSNs, and Charles De Gaulle aircraft carriers because the altered design failed to meet specific performance standards.

However, Asia Times has previously noted that China’s Type 004 will likely be nuclear-powered. A nuclear-powered carrier would provide long-range power projection without the need for forward operating bases or replenishment ships, be a significant prestige asset for China, and provide the necessary power for EMALS technology, given that China already has nuclear-powered submarines operating.

Because China has adopted an evolutionary approach to carrier design, the Type 003 Fujian may offer some clues as to the specifications of its possible Type 004 carrier.

This approach is evident as China expanded its carrier fleet by converting the Soviet-era Varyag hulk to the Type 001 Liaoning, creating the improved Type 002 Shandong, and introducing the Type 003 Fujian, which is a significant design improvement.

According to Naval Technology, the Type 003 Fujian may have an 80, 000-ton displacement, making it comparable to the US Kitty Hawk-class carrier, the last class of conventionally powered US carriers.

Naval Technology also says the Type 003 Fujian could carry around 50-60 aircraft, including J-15 and J-35 fighters alongside KJ-600 AEW&amp, C.

The report mentions that China’s Type 004 will likely be a larger iteration of the Type 003 Fujian, which may be nuclear-powered and have a 100, 000-ton displacement, rivaling the USS Nimitz and Ford-class supercarriers.

In terms of capabilities, Maya Carlin mentions in The National Interest ( TNI ) this month that while the EMALS technology aboard China’s Type 003 Fujian may be on par with its US counterparts, US carriers can carry up to 75 aircraft versus an estimated maximum of 60 for China’s.

Carlin also notes that the US has 11 nuclear-powered carriers, while China has only three conventionally powered ones. However, she notes that China is determined to meet or exceed the US Navy’s capabilities in the future.

Although there are varying estimates for the number of nuclear-powered carriers China plans to construct and how many of them are, the South China Morning Post (SCMP ) stated in February 2019 that China plans to have six carriers by 2035, four of which will be nuclear-powered.

China could use its conventionally powered carriers, such as the Type 001 Liaoning, Type 002 Shandong and Type 003 Fujian, to blockade Taiwan and control the First Island Chain, stretching from Japan to Taiwan and the Philippines.

Conventional power limits these carriers ‘ operational range, making it necessary for them to operate a little closer to China for resupply and refueling.

Nuclear-powered aircraft would not be subject to that restriction, and China would be able to power the region’s Bonin and Volcano Islands, Marianas Islands, Caroline Islands, and Western New Guinea in the Pacific.

These carriers could also operate under a “missile umbrella” made up of DF-21 and DF-26 anti-ship ballistic missiles ( ASBM ) based on the Chinese mainland, preventing a disastrous carrier-carrier collision with the US, similar to the Battle of Midway in World War II, where Japan lost four fleet carriers and the strategic initiative in the Pacific Theater.

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Arakan Army’s triumph ripples through China, India, Bangladesh – Asia Times

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Just 15 years after its founding, the Arakan Army ( AA ) has risen to dominate Rakhine state in western Myanmar, controlling 15 of 17 key townships and over 90 % of the territory, including the entire 271-kilometer border with Bangladesh.

These military developments include the historical record of Ann township’s Western Regional Command office, cementing the AA’s military and administrative supremacy.

The AA’s leadership of key Rakhine state functions, from the judiciary to the public health, underpins its desire for greater autonomy under confederate status, through its Arakan People’s Revolutionary Government ( APRG ).

With Rakhine’s corporate site, natural resources and closeness to China-backed system, the AA’s increase reshapes the country’s political and security dynamics, presenting both opportunities and challenges for dialogue and stability.

The AA has established itself as the de facto governing body in much of Rakhine State in a amazing display of endurance and plan. The APRG has assumed roles formerly held by the central power, including leadership, court, and public providers, underscoring the AA’s charge for legitimacy.

Tensions between the Myanmar military and the AA have gotten worse as a result of their fast territorial expansion. The military coup has used divisions within Myanmar to exploit groups by recruiting members of Rohingya military organizations like the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army and the Rohingya Solidarity Organization, trying to keep its grip on power.

These actions have exacerbated racial tensions between the Rohingya Muslim minority and the Rohingya Buddhist majority, causing suspicion to worsen and putting a stop to violent cycles.

While the AA has articulated a vision for equality, especially through the APRG’s operational framework, building confidence with disadvantaged communities—including the Rohingya—remains challenging.

The AA’s ability to foster dialogue and exhibit diverse leadership will determine its ability to achieve long-term stability in Rakhine.

China’s Myanmar footprints

Myanmar state is a focal point of China’s Belt and Road Initiative because of its abundance of natural resources and strategic location along the Bay of Bengal.

Important infrastructure projects, such as the Kyaukphyu deep-sea dock and the Shwe oil pipeline, represent Beijing’s economic ambitions and political priorities in the region.

These initiatives not only protected important energy pathways for China, but they also improve its access to the Indian Ocean, giving Myanmar a crucial network in its wider geographical plan.

In light of the ongoing legal fight, Chinese investments in Myanmar are becoming more resilient. Since the start of” Operation 1027“, anti-junta forces have taken control of 23 out of 34 Chinese-funded projects, with vital areas affected including Rakhine, northern Shan state, and the northern plains.

But the Three Brotherhood Alliance and the National Unity Government’s People’s Defense Forces ( PDFs ) have refrained from directly targeting Chinese initiatives.

However, studies suggest that the junta-backed Pyusawhti military allegedly attacked the Taiwanese Consulate in Mandalay in October 2024. This is only the next occurrence in China-Myanmar diplomatic ties ‘ seven decades.

To prevent these investments, China has partnered with Myanmar’s coup to establish a cooperative security firm. The junta is reviewing the logistical ramifications of a draft memorandum of understanding for the joint venture, including importing security and weapons, to make sure the strategy does not violate Myanmar’s sovereignty.

The proposal indicates Beijing’s lack of confidence in the junta’s ability to maintain control and security. The presence of foreign security forces could lead to resistance from local armed organizations, including the AA, who has already a significant influence in the area, which could be exacerbated by this action.

While Chinese investments are vital to Myanmar’s economy, overt alignment with the military junta risks alienating other stakeholders, including ethnic armed groups. Beijing needs to stay in Rakhine while avoiding furthering existing conflicts, so it will be crucial to keep these tensions at bay.

Labyrinthine conflict dynamic

Deep-rooted mistrust and historical rifts characterize the relationship between the Arakan Army and the Rohingya groups. Ethno-nationalism has often marginalized the Rohingya, while human rights violations by the AA have further strained relations.

These tensions present a significant barrier to achieving lasting peace in Rakhine. However, opportunities for reconciliation exist. A potential shift in its approach is reflected in the AA’s recent statements advocating for an open and inclusive Rakhine and political dialogue.

Building trust will require concrete actions, such as addressing human rights allegations, ensuring the Rohingya have fair representation in government positions, and encouraging mutual respect.

In Cox’s Bazar, refugee camps have become recruitment grounds for armed groups, further complicating the conflict landscape. Taus of Rohingya have been drafted into the military junta as a result of reports of forced recruitment and citizenship promises.

These dynamics underscore the need for coordinated interventions to combat armed group abuse and promote peace and security. While the AA has indicated a willingness to include the Rohingya in its vision of an autonomous Rakhine, serious action will be required to move beyond rhetoric.

Greater integration of Rohingya communities into government structures and a focus on equitable development could lay the groundwork for trust and coexistence. International actors are crucial in bridging this gap. Facilitated discussions between the AA, Rohingya leaders, and other parties might provide a framework for cooperation.

These efforts must be supported by transparency and accountability to ensure they produce meaningful outcomes. A unified governance system that includes diverse viewpoints could provide the foundation for Rakhine’s long-term stability.

Enter India and Bangladesh

As Rakhine’s immediate neighbors, India and Bangladesh have a critical role to play in shaping the region’s future. India’s strategic initiatives, such as the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, aim to enhance connectivity between its northeastern states and Southeast Asia.

However, the AA’s territorial control poses both challenges and opportunities for New Delhi. Having direct ties to the AA might help India secure its infrastructure projects and promote regional trade.

Pragmatic cooperation would increase India’s influence in Rakhine as well as safeguard its investments. Additionally, India’s engagement could serve as a counterbalance to China’s growing presence in the region.

For Bangladesh, the ongoing Rohingya crisis remains a pressing concern. Over a million refugees have been displaced, which has increased domestic tensions and stretched Dhaka’s resources.

Bangladesh could explore new avenues for cooperation, such as establishing humanitarian corridors and addressing cross-border security issues, by adopting a more flexible approach to the AA. The AA’s dialogue could also help to facilitate the voluntary and honorable repatriation of Rohingya refugees.

Both Bangladesh and India should acknowledge that the AA is de facto a major player in Rakhine and work with it as a key player. Such a strategy could promote regional interests that are mutually beneficial.

What can be done?

The path to sustainable peace and stability in Rakhine requires a multifaceted strategy that prioritizes governance, regional collaboration, and humanitarian relief. Key steps include:

    Promoting inclusive governance: The AA needs to move beyond its military accomplishments to demonstrate its capacity for inclusive leadership. This includes protecting the rights of all communities, particularly the Rohingya, and creating equitable governance structures that reflect Rakhine’s diversity.

  1. Promoting constructive dialogue: Building trust and addressing historical grievances requires international support for dialogue between the AA, Rohingya groups, and other stakeholders. These initiatives should be transparent and have mechanisms in place to control progress and accountability.
  2. Leveraging strategic investments: China, India and other stakeholders must ensure their projects contribute to the socioeconomic development of Rakhine’s communities. Investments in education, healthcare, and infrastructure can foster goodwill and mitigate the underlying drivers of conflict.
  3. Enhancing humanitarian assistance: Regional actors, including Bangladesh and India, should facilitate cross-border aid to address the acute needs of displaced populations. Coordinated efforts with international organizations can restore people’s lives and end suffering.

Rakhine’s challenges are immense but not insurmountable. Through inclusive governance, strategic cooperation and sustained international support, the region can transition from conflict to stability.

Rakhine has the potential to serve as a model of resilience and progress in a troubled environment by addressing historical grievances and encouraging collaboration.

Aung Thura Ko Ko ( aung@pacforum .org ) &nbsp, is a research fellow at the Pacific Forum and holds a Master of Public Policy from the University of Oxford. With the author’s kind permission, this article first appeared on Pacific Forum.

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China connects everything to DeepSeek in nationwide plan – Asia Times

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China now connects everything to DeepSeek, an artificial intelligence ( AI ) model that developed last month and gained notoriety, from chatbots and smart vehicles to government departments and schools.

Baidu, a Chinese search engine, announced that its robot Ernie Bot 4.9 type now integrates with DeepSeek-R1 to strengthen students ‘ problem-solving capacity. Students can upload a photo of a problem to the robot, which will respond with a detailed explanation. &nbsp,

The business added that from April, it will charge high-end customers just for some custom-made services and will allow specific users and SMEs to use Ernie’s simple functions for free.

According to some Chinese media reports, Baidu could get more information by giving up its closed-source type and connecting with other AI models, but doing so would also need it to rely on external systems and risk losing its profitability over the long run. &nbsp,

Google announced on February 16 that Weixin messaging software users can now search using DeepSeek. Tencent is reportedly considering integrating various items with DeepSeek, according to a company spokesman.

Earlier this month, the Shenzhen-based Huawei said its Huawei Cloud has connected with DeepSeek-R1. Chinese manufacturers BYD and Geely added that DeepSeek-R1 is compatible with their electric vehicles.

Gong Zheng, an engineer at the Institute of Technology and Standards, a research institute under the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology ( MIIT ), said that the technical advantages of leading IT companies “open the door to free AI services.” &nbsp,

Clean basic AI companies may turn into a data-sourcing route for businesses. These companies may form a ‘ finished company loop’ and provide value-added services and enterprise-level solutions”, he said, adding that China wants to develop the industry standards for the next generation of human-computer interaction technology. &nbsp,

A company employs a closed business loop, which actively collects customer feedback and analyzes it to improve its goods and services.

Despite many nations forbid their students from using AI tools to do their homework, many states, including Xinhua, promoted the benefits of allowing primary and secondary school students to use DeepSeek on Tuesday. &nbsp,

Xi’s call

At a symposium in Beijing on Monday, Chinese President Xi Jinping and corporate leaders met to discuss the rise of DeepSeek and related applications.

These company heads included Huawei Technologies ‘ Ren Zhengfei, Alibaba’s Jack Ma, Tencent’s Pony Ma, DeepSeek’s Liang Wenfeng and Unitree’s Wang Xingxing.

” In this new era, the development prospects of the private sector are broad and promising”, Xi said in a speech. ” It’s time for entrepreneurs and private companies to showcase their talents.”

” It is hoped that private firms and entrepreneurs will have the ambition to serve the country, be dedicated to development, abide by the law and do business well, promote common prosperity, and make new and greater contributions to promoting Chinese-style modernization”, he said.

Xi added that some of the difficulties and challenges currently faced by the private sector generally arise during China’s industrial upgrade, but they are partial, temporary, and resolvable.

The People’s Daily claimed that the central government values technological innovation based on DeepSeek and Unitree executives ‘ appearances at Xi’s symposium.

Before this, Chinese Premier Li Qiang had met some entrepreneurs, including Unitree’s Wang, at a symposium in Hangzhou on December 20, 2024. At China Central TV’s Spring Festival Gala on January 28, Unitree received applause for its dancing robots. &nbsp,

Li had also met other industrial experts, including DeepSeek’s Liang, at a symposium in Beijing on January 20, 2025.

The same day that DeepSeek launched DeepSeek-R1, which had surpassed ChatGPT to surpass it in popularity. 1 on the US free app download charts in a few days. Given that DeepSeek had developed its AI model at very low costs, US stocks significantly decreased on January 27 as investors worried that Nvidia and OpenAI might be overvalued.

The DeepSeek team claimed they used only 2, 000 Nvidia H800 chips to train its AI model.

However, no one really knows how many chips DeepSeek has used, nor who ultimately&nbsp, controls this company and offers it unlimited financial resources.

The 2030 goal

China’s State Council made its New Generation AI Development Plan public in July 2017 and pledged to make China a major AI innovation hub and a global leader in AI technology by 2030. &nbsp,

In February 2023, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP ) Central Committee and State Council&nbsp, published&nbsp, the Overall Layout Plan for the Development of a Digital China, calling for the integration of the nation’s digital and real economies. &nbsp,

Vice Premier Liu He at the time said that China should promote its semiconductor industry using a “whole nation” approach, allowing the government to use the resources of the country’s research institutions and businesses to fund technological advancements.

According to the plan, China will form a nationwide system by 2025 to achieve its” Digital China” goal.

The Guangzhou, Nanjing, Suzhou, Zhengzhou, and Hohhot city governments said their computing networks are connected to DeepSeek-R1. &nbsp,

In Shenzhen, the Futian district government said it created 70 AI” staff members” with DeepSeek to handle documents and assist its civil servants. &nbsp,

More and more government departments will try to integrate with AI tools, according to Hu Guoqing, head of the 6G and AI artificial intelligence research group and associate researcher at Peking University’s Shenzhen Research Institute.

Yong Jian contributes to the Asia Times. He is a Chinese journalist who specialises in Chinese technology, economy, and politics. &nbsp,

Read: Where DeepSeek, Qwen’s AI engineers really come from

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Japanese concerned about South Korean polarization and confusion – Asia Times

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The answer to South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol’s attempted repeal of military law and his following prosecution by the National Assembly was consistently friendly, if not admirable, of the endurance of Korea’s political institutions.

” Yoon’s motion was unjust and inexcusable”, a senior journalist with large experience covering international affairs at the democratic daily&nbsp, Asahi Shimbun&nbsp, told this author, speaking on history. That opinion was widely shared in Japan straight after the legislature reaffirmed it and the day of his declaration of martial law.”

However, with the imprisonment of President Yoon and the view of growing division within Korea, Japanese observers have grown more worried and concerned about an absence of purchase. These issues can be seen in senior officials ‘ cautious words, which are still friendly, and in the articles of big Japanese newspapers.

” We are watching the internal situation ]in South Korea ] with great interest”, Foreign Minister Iwaya Takeshi&nbsp, told&nbsp, the conservative monthly Gekkan Nippon. ” But I want to think in the endurance of Korea’s democracy”. Iwaya echoed the general worries that the democratic transitions in Seoul may have caused a deterioration in diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan.

” This is the year of the]60th ] anniversary of normalization of relations between Japan and Korea”, Iwaya said. There have been intervals of cooling down and different aspects of Japan-Korea connections. But, Japan-Korea relationships have improved substantially during the Kishida management. We may make every effort possible to carry on this momentum.

The political fragmentation in Korea has caused the traditional community to grow in importance, and there are concerns that North Korea may profit from it.

” The public may also have a growing a sense of disgust toward the opposition, which has exacerbated the turmoil” ,&nbsp, wrote&nbsp, Yomiuri Shimbun, Japan’s largest paper, in a January 16 editorial. ” North Korea has increased its actions this time, such as by firing two nuclear weapons. It is now necessary for both the ruling and opposition parties to attempt to resolve the conflict through peaceful conversations conducted in accordance with judicial methods.

” Ruling and opposition parties cannot afford to remain fixated on their political strife and neglect external vigilance” ,&nbsp, advised&nbsp, the right-wing daily&nbsp, Sankei Shimbun&nbsp, on January 20. Doing so only opens the door for neighboring authoritarian countries to profit from the situation. Those countries include North Korea, which is strengthening its nuclear skills”.

Yet the liberal&nbsp, Asahi Shimbun&nbsp, worried about the consequences of the democratic split within Korea on both security and economic concerns. ” In this lawless condition, both ruling and opposition parties are challenged to laid aside their persistent partisan politics and small party interests to maintain elections through dialogue”, it&nbsp, wrote&nbsp, in a January 16 newspaper.

Korea has significantly decreased since mid-January in Japanese news coverage. Japanese interest waned noticeably as the legal system and courts were tipped over by the Korean conflict, which was followed by street demonstrations.

” The volume of news reports declined as the situation became prolonged with domestic legal procedures”, explained the veteran&nbsp, Asahi Shimbun journalist. He noted that the idea of a descent into political partisanship fed that waning interest.

The author explained that as the conservative party’s approval ratings turned a V-shaped, even beating the progressives, the Japanese public voices that praised the Korean people as faithful defenders of democracy began to decline. It appeared that those developments occurred not as a protest of democracy but as a political game driven by social and ideological divisions.

Unsurprisingly, Donald Trump’s return to power has stifled the attention of the Japanese government as a result of both preparations for Prime Minister Ishiba Shigeru’s recent trip to the White House and the need to deal with the constant flow of events in Washington.

However, the Japanese government maintains its confidence in Korea and emphasizes the significance of the Korea-Japan relationship and the trilateral cooperation established during the Joe Biden administration.

The concern about North Korea’s resurgence as a result of its security alliance with Russia fuels these official Japanese sentiments in some ways. Foreign Minister Iwaya recently stated in the monthly Bungei Shunju,” North Korean soldiers have been deployed to the Ukrainian front and there are concerns that the repercussions will extend to Asia.”

Prim Minister Ishiba’s trip to Washington primarily aimed to avoid a serious disagreement with the Trump administration regarding economic issues, from trade to investment. However, it is obvious that the Japanese government is driven by the need to maintain American presence in East Asia.

Japanese policymakers are concerned about the possibility of a new effort by Trump to hold talks with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un to de facto accept their status as a nuclear power. Following the February 7 meeting, the two governments issued a joint statement that reflected Japanese concerns and viewpoints, which was remarkably similar to those made by the previous US administration.

According to a senior Japanese official, President Trump did not make any mention of the statement, but Prime Minister Ishiba and others put a lot of emphasis on it. This is likely because the Japanese Foreign Ministry was largely responsible for creating it, according to a senior Japanese official.

On Korea, the statement read:

The two leaders reiterated their unwavering support for the DPRK’s ( DPRK) nuclear and missile programs and expressed their serious concerns over and the need to address them. They also reaffirmed their unwavering commitment to the complete denuclearization of the DPRK. Both nations stressed the need to stop and combat the DPRK’s growing military ties with Russia and its vile cyber-crimes. In addition, both countries affirmed the importance of the Japan-U. Trilateral cooperation between the DPRK and supporting regional harmony and prosperity Japan reiterated its support for a quick resolution to the abductions issue in the United States.

For now, this concurrence of views exists, at least on paper. However, it’s likely that the events in Korea will re-appear.

Daniel Sneider is both a lecturer in East Asian Studies at Stanford University and a professor of international policy at Stanford’s Ford Dorsey Master’s in International Policy.

This article was first published in The Peninsula, a publication owned by the Korea Economic Institute of America. It is republished with permission.

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Donald Trump’s multipolar diplomacy – Asia Times

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A new multipolar world can be reached by Donald Trump by achieving harmony in Ukraine, stabilizing the Taiwan dispute, and then cutting protection investing in half, preventing a potential US debt crisis.

More than any of his successors, Trump has &nbsp, explained to&nbsp, the people exactly what he means to do and why. &nbsp, The bewilderment with which Western officials and media have responded to Trump and his vital aides&nbsp, does not stem from lack of clarity in Trump’s communication, &nbsp, but from neglect. &nbsp, America’s former clients have &nbsp, little&nbsp, to&nbsp, do &nbsp, in the new order.

The US-Russian agreements that brokered on February 18 in Saudi Arabia are expected to lead to a deal that extends beyond the Ukraine War.

” One of the first meetings I want to have ]is ] with President Xi]of] China and with President Putin of Russia and I want to say,’ let’s cut our military budget in half. &nbsp, We’re going to have them spend a lot less money and we’re going to spend a lot less&nbsp, income, &nbsp, and I know they are going to accomplish it,'” Trump told investigators February 13.

Trump may enter the May 9 Moscow&nbsp, 80th&nbsp, celebration party of success in Europe, which Xi&nbsp, Jinping may go. The Chinese website” Observer” ( guancha.cn ) &nbsp, on February 19 speculates that Trump may convene a “new Yalta conference”, referring to the 1945&nbsp, meeting between Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin&nbsp, that sketched the postwar order. Russian state leaders have also made an appearance in Moscow regarding Trump. &nbsp,

The government’s notes to writers February 18 at Mar-al-Lago provoked outraged&nbsp, remark in conventional media. &nbsp,” Today I heard&nbsp, ]from Ukraine ] &nbsp,, &nbsp,’ Oh, we weren’t invited ‘]to Tuesday’s U. S. Russia talks ]. Well, you’ve been there for three years, you should have ended it ]in ] three years. You should have always started&nbsp, it, &nbsp, you could have made a deal”.

Russia, to be sure, &nbsp, started the military conflict, Trump apparently referred to Zelensky’s abandonment of the Minsk II framework ( Russophone autonomy in a neutral, sovereign Ukraine ). &nbsp, Politico, the victim of tens of millions of dollars of grants from USAID, denounced Trump for “echoing the Kremlin”.

But Trump is unfazed. &nbsp,” They were quite good”, he&nbsp, said&nbsp, at Mar-al-Lago&nbsp, of&nbsp, the debate with&nbsp, Russia&nbsp, in Saudi Arabia. &nbsp,” Russia wants to do something. They want to quit the violent barbarianism”.

The historical allusion to the original Yalta is timely because it marked a catastrophe for the Central Europeans and East Germans who fell under Soviet rule. However, Germany’s Die Welt stated that the Great Powers may end war while the small people are relegated to the children’s board. &nbsp,

The Cheshire cat&nbsp, of&nbsp, Alice in Wonderland&nbsp, vanished&nbsp, except&nbsp, for its smile, and the British—whose then Prime Minister Boris Johnson&nbsp, helped thwart peace negotiations in early 2022 – have disappeared except for their catty sense of humor.

The&nbsp, Economist&nbsp, pundit&nbsp,” Talleyrand” &nbsp, on February 19 deplores&nbsp,” the readiness with which much of the world has accepted the humiliation of Ukraine and its European friends. Where were the South Vietnamese present during the Paris peace negotiations? This pattern was established a long time ago. When the US finally started speaking with the Taliban, where were the Afghan puppet rulers? And now, what about the stalwart&nbsp, Mr&nbsp, Zelenskyy? Proxies are almost always treated&nbsp, thus…. If&nbsp, the Ukrainians are clever, they’ll quietly ask about applying for entry to the BRICS. Join the queue”.

A&nbsp, three-way&nbsp, summit&nbsp, in Moscow&nbsp, is far from certain. If it occurs, the agenda&nbsp, will&nbsp, look something like this:

1 ) A ceasefire in Ukraine with Russia in complete control of the territory it has already taken, including the majority of Donetsk and Luhansk, as well as new elections in Ukraine that almost certainly would eliminate Zelensky. Given that the Europeans have too few deployable forces to cause trouble, and US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has already stated that peacekeepers would not be protected by the mutual defense provisions of NATO treaties, some European or UK peacekeepers might be permitted.

2 ) &nbsp, A rapid end to economic sanctions on Russia. Given that Trump prefers to sell US natural gas to Russia for roughly twice the price than to restore Russian supplies, whether gas supplies will be restored is a matter of negotiation.

3 ) &nbsp, An agreement with China to stabilize the status of Taiwan. Although this would likely fall short of a new Shanghai Agreement&nbsp ( the 1972 treaty restored diplomatic relations between the US and China ), it would still be strong enough to win over both parties.

4 ) &nbsp, The beginning of a nuclear arms negotiation on the scale of the Reagan-Gorbachev&nbsp, agreement at Reykjavik in 1986.

” Observer” columnist Yan Mo on February 19 argues that Trump’s main objective in Taiwan is to bring onshore the knowhow of Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company, &nbsp, which fabricates 90 % of the world’s advanced chips ( 4 nanometers and below ).

Noting Trump’s mention of a 100 % tariff on Taiwanese chip exports to the US, Yan writes: &nbsp,” Trump&nbsp, knows that it is meaningless to impose&nbsp, tariffs&nbsp, on&nbsp, TSMC. After all, TSMC is in an absolute monopoly position…. &nbsp, No matter&nbsp, what tariff&nbsp, is imposed, it will only be shared by customers. &nbsp, At present, the main buyers of TSMC’s advanced process chips are mostly American customers”.

What Trump intends, the Chinese columnist adds, is to force TSMC to set up several plants in the United States ( after years of delays, it is about to open one plant in Arizona ), or to merge TMSC with the struggling US chipmaker Intel, in effect acquiring TSMC’s technology.

From a national security standpoint, that is quite logical: The United States&nbsp, does not want to depend on the People’s Republic of China for advanced chips in the event that Taiwan&nbsp, were&nbsp, absorbed into the mainland. &nbsp,

The State Department last week deleted a phrase from its&nbsp, Taiwan fact sheet&nbsp, stating that the US does not support Taiwan’s independence. That is a bargaining move, the” Observer” columnist argues. ” The US State Department’s deletion of the statement&nbsp, about’ not supporting Taiwan independence ‘&nbsp, is a negotiating posture&nbsp, with respect&nbsp, to&nbsp, mainland&nbsp, China”. If so, it is a clever negotiating move.

Vladimir Putin was forced out of the Kremlin in March 2022, when President Biden declared that the Russian economy would shrink by half&nbsp and that the unipolar world order would end. &nbsp, In October 2022, the United States imposed tech controls&nbsp, that a&nbsp, prominent&nbsp, US analyst&nbsp, dubbed” a new US policy of actively strangling large segments of the Chinese technology industry– strangling with an intent to kill”.

At the conclusion of the first Godfather film, Biden’s attempts to imitate Michael Corleone woefully failed. Russia ‘s&nbsp, economy expanded rather than collapsed, and&nbsp, out-produced&nbsp, the combined NATO countries in arms, while China found workarounds to US controls, producing its own high-end chips and innovative AI systems.

On January 30th, Secretary of State Marco Rubio delivered the eulogy&nbsp for unipolarity, saying,” It’s not normal for the world to simply have a unipolar power.” Unipolarity, he told&nbsp, interviewer Megyn Kelly, “was an anomaly. You eventually would have a multipolar world, multi-great powers operating in various regions of the planet, despite the fact that it was a result of the Cold War’s end.

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Bangladesh unrest reveals bias at the heart of Google search engine – Asia Times

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Google’s search engine handles the vast majority of online searches worldwide. By one estimate, it fields 6.3 million queries every second.

Because of the search engine’s enormous scale, its outputs can have outsized effects. And, while Google’s search results are shaped by ostensibly neutral rules and processes, research has shown these algorithms often produce biased results.

This problem of algorithmic bias is again being highlighted by recent escalating tensions between India and Bangladesh and cases of violence against Bangladeshi citizens in India and violence against Hindus in Bangladesh. A pro-Indian misinformation and disinformation campaign is exploiting this algorithmic bias to further its agenda – an agenda that has been described as Islamophobic and alarmist.

This kind of misinformation has been implicated in several riots and violent incidents in Bangladesh.

All of this serves as an important reminder of the power Google’s search engine has in shaping public perceptions of any event – and its vulnerability to being exploited. It’s also an important reminder to anyone who uses Google’s search engine to engage critically with the results it dishes up, rather than accepting them at face value.

What is algorithmic bias?

The algorithms that power Google’s search engine are trained on massive amounts of data. Computer bots gather the data. The bots crawl billions of pages on the internet and automatically analyze their content and quality. This information is stored in a large database, which Google’s search engine relies on to serve up relevant results whenever it receives a query.

But this process doesn’t capture every website on the Internet. It is also governed by predetermined rules about what is high quality and what is low quality, and reflects existing biases in data. For example, even though only 16% of the world’s population speaks English, the language accounts for 55% of all written content online.

This means the reality of life on the ground in non-English-speaking countries is often not reflected in Google search results. This is especially true for those countries in the Global South.

This lack of representation perpetuates real-world biases. It can also hinder a nuanced public understanding of global issues.

What’s happening between Bangladesh and India?

Relations between Muslim-majority Bangladesh and neighboring India, which is currently led by the Hindu nationalist BJP government, have deteriorated recently.

In August last year, youth-led anti-government protests erupted in Bangladesh.

Those protests resulted in the downfall of prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s long-lasting autocratic regime, which had been supported by the Indian government.

An interim government filled the void. But certain Indian media outlets have leveraged sensitive issues such as Hindu minority rights to undermine its legitimacy.

In November, Bangladeshi authorities arrested Hindu leader Chinmoy Krishna Das on sedition charges over allegations he had disrespected the Bangladeshi flag. This triggered violent clashes between his supporters and police. These clashes resulted in the death of a Muslim lawyer.

Hindu activists also attacked a Bangladeshi consulate in India.

There have also been verified instances of mob violence against Hindus in Bangladesh. However, the Bangladeshi government claims these incidents are politically motivated rather than communal attacks.

The unrest intensified earlier this month, with thousands of protestors destroying the family home of deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina in the Bangladeshi capital, Dhaka.

Boosting a disinformation campaign

A disinformation campaign based in India has exaggerated some cases of religious violence against Hindus in Bangladesh.

This campaign has been boosted by Google’s algorithmic bias.

For example, an analysis by the Tech Global Institute of Google search results about Chinmoy Krishna Das’s arrest between November 25 and December 20 last year found a “consistent pattern of bias”.

Specifically, Indian news outlets – including Hindu ultranationalist news outlets – “disproportionately” dominated the top search results. This overshadowed

factual reporting from credible Bangladeshi media outlets […] despite the search originating from within Bangladesh, the country where the incident originally occurred.

This bias was also evident in search queries coming from overseas. For example, roughly 90% of the top results about Chinmoy Krishna Das were from Indian outlets when searched from Australia and the United States. Bangladeshi news outlets featured on the thirteenth and fourteenth pages of results.

Indian news outlets – unlike their Bangladeshi counterparts – produce a substantial amount of content in English. They also employ more advanced search engine optimisation – or SEO – techniques, such as using effective keywords and sensationalist headlines. This gives them an advantage in Google search results compared to their Bangladeshi counterparts.

Another investigation by Bangladeshi fact-checking outlet Rumor Scanner in December 2024 found 72% of social media accounts spreading fake reports and misinformation are located in India.

The Conversation asked Google a series of questions about its search engine. It did not receive a response.

An illustrative case of a global problem

Bangladesh is an illustrative case of the global problem of algorithmic bias. It highlights how search engines can be exploited to promote disinformation and misinformation and powerfully shape people’s perceptions about what’s happening in the world.

It also highlights how everybody should think critically about the information they find online about the current situation in Bangladesh. Or about any news event, for that matter.

The case also reinforces the urgent need for policymakers, tech companies and governments to work together to effectively address algorithmic bias. This is especially urgent in the Global South, where marginal voices remain silenced.

Abdul Aziz is a lecturer in media and communication studies at the School of Arts and Social Sciences, Monash University.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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US-Russia talks a litmus test for Asia’s power balance – Asia Times

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The idea of a negotiated resolution in Ukraine has profound effects far beyond Europe, with Asia likely to experience political and economic shocks.

Regional forces from Beijing to New Delhi are reevaluating their strategies, afraid of both options and risks, as the United States and Russia work toward a possible solution as a result of discussions in Saudi Arabia.

Any political arrangement will be viewed from the perspective of China’s own geopolitical ambitions. Beijing has always engaged in a delicate balancing act throughout the conflict, establishing itself as a natural group while indirectly supporting Moscow through diplomatic and economic programmes.

A harmony deal would allow Beijing to bolster its effect in Europe while establishing a framework for its Belt and Road Initiative and its reconstruction in Ukraine.

In addition, the end of the war would allow China to reassess its position on Taiwan, especially if Washington’s target spins up to the Indo-Pacific.

How resolute will Trump be in deterring Beijing’s interests in the South China Sea and beyond if he is ready to broker a package with Putin over Ukraine?

India, however, has played an complex game of political freedom, maintaining business ties with Russia while preserving its strategic connection with the US. A resolution to the post-war pact may push New Delhi to reevaluate its power strategy.

Throughout the conflict, India has benefited from discounted Russian crude, solidifying its status as an economic pragmatic. India may reduce its privileged access to affordable assets if a peace deal allows for a standardization of business relations between Russia and the West.

However, a stable global energy market was comfortable India’s economic inflation strains and support Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s goals for sustained economic expansion.

Japan and South Korea, fervent US friends, have taken a harder line against Russia, enforcing restrictions and providing material aid to Ukraine. If Washington and Moscow reach a political deal, Tokyo and Seoul will need to tackle a difficult restructuring.

They will likely ask for assurances that any agreement with Putin won’t lead to softening their positions on local safety concerns, such as China’s confidence in maritime disputes and North Korea’s nuclear ambitions.

Japan, in particular, has historic territorial disputes with Russia over the Kuril Islands, and a broader melting in US-Russia relationships could provide an opening for restored conversations.

A cessation of hostilities may lessen the uncertainty in global commodities areas that has persisted since the war started, from an economic viewpoint.

Asia, as the world’s largest consumer of energy and food exports, has endured price shocks stemming from disrupted supply stores. A de-escalation may possibly help stabilize Ukraine’s grain shipments, ensuring food supplies for import-dependent countries like Indonesia and the Philippines.

Also, Asian manufacturers, especially in the silicon and defense industries, may find new trade opportunities in the rebuilding of Ukraine.

A proper resolution to the conflict could stifle South Korea’s security sector, which has already benefited from Western rearmament, as NATO-aligned nations prepare for a new deterrence era.

But, peace in Ukraine doesn’t immediately translate into greater global security. If the US and Russia reach a deal that is perceived as favoring Moscow, it might stifle regional ideologues in Asia.

Institutions in Taiwan, Vietnam, and the Philippines will carefully watch the outcome, worried that a law of negotiations under pressure could stifle US punishment in the Pacific. China, observing the process, properly see a way to resolving its own problems through authoritarian politics rather than military clash.

There’s also the problem of local energy dynamics. If the US, under Trump’s management, shifts its focus toward local priorities and scales up engagement in Ukraine, Washington’s legitimacy in Asia may appear under renewed scrutiny.

In such a situation, Southeast Asian nations, much dependant on US protection guarantees, may bend farther toward China. Meanwhile, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ( ASEAN ) will face renewed pressure to solidify its often-fractured approach to regional security and economic integration.

Financial markets in Asia would probably react favorably to any decision, with stock indices rising in response to expectations for a stabilized global trade environment.

The continuation of business exports from Ukraine, coupled with a de-escalation of power provide concerns, may provide a much-needed boost to economic growth in important markets.

Asian markets may soon be dealing with a different kind of uncertainty, one in which regional rivalries are left to play out with fewer external constraints, if peace comes at the cost of a US retrenchment from international leadership.

A peace deal in Ukraine, then, is not just a European affair. It’s a litmus test for the strength of US alliances, the balance of power in Asia, and the strategic rigor of nations with territorial ambitions. &nbsp,

The negotiations in Riyadh may have been an opening act, but for Asia, the real drama is only beginning.

George Prior is a global political and economics expert.

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Fighting back against Trump’s war on global governance – Asia Times

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The recent actions of US President Donald Trump appear to be an attempt to reinvigorate American influence and show that the country also commands the world and is capable of deceiving other countries into doing the same.

He has criticized global cooperation by stepping down from the UN climate agreements and the World Health Organization. His organization’s representatives have also stated that they will not attend future G20 conferences because he opposes South Africa’s 2025 policy.

He has also demonstrated a lack of concern for global solidarity by halting US support initiatives and undermining efforts to keep companies truthful. He has imposed tariffs on their imports, showing his contempt for friends.

These actions call for a reply from the rest of the global community that promotes efficient management of international affairs, as well as a risk to the well-being of people and planet.

According to my analysis of global financial leadership, background can provide some guidance on how to formulate a successful response.

Such a reply ought to be based on an accurate assessment of the global forces ‘ design. It should aim to create tactical alliances between condition and non-state celebrities in both the Global South and the Global North that you come to terms with explicit and constrained goals.

This idea is exemplified by the three historical teachings that follow.

Warning classes

The second lesson is about the risks of overestimating change’s possible.

In the late 1960s and first 1970s, the US was facing domestic upheaval, including the death of prominent politicians and the death of protesting individuals, as well as the war in Vietnam.

The US was likewise losing faith in its ability to maintain the Bretton Woods conference’s global economic attempt, which it had established in 1944.

Additionally, the nations of the world west were calling for a fresh, more effective global economic system. This seemed like a reasonable need given the concerns over the US’s political and economic situation and the Russian bloc’s comparative strength at the time.

In August 1971, President Richard Nixon, without any foreign interviews, launched what became known as the Nixon Shock. He broke the connection between the US dollar and golden, putting an end to the world’s economic system established in 1944. Additionally, he added a 10 % tax to all goods into the US.

US Treasury Secretary John Connolly informed them that the money was your problem but our money when America’s Western allies protested and pressed for a secular version of the ancient economic order.

US supporters in eastern Europe, Asia, and all nations that participated in the previous Bretton Woods system were forced to accept a market-based international financial system with the US dollar as the primary currency throughout the 1970s.

The US imposed their neo-liberal monetary get on the planet, along with its allies in the north of the globe, and defeated the calls for a new one.

The next admonishing session emphasizes the value of creating strong defensive alliances. The IMF’s member states ratified an agreement in 1969 to grant the organization’s special reserve asset, specific drawing rights.

Some IMF member states were against establishing a link between growth and the special drawing rights at the time. In order to finance their advancement, those nations that require the most funding would be able to obtain more than their fair share of specific drawing rights.

All developing nations backed this need. But they don’t acknowledge on how to do it. The proposed connection between special drawing rights and creation was broken by the wealthy nations by exploiting these differences.

In consequence, all IMF member states are now allocated the particular drawing rights in accordance with their IMF limits. This implies that the richest nations receive the majority of their allocations when they do not have them and are not required to share them with developing nations.

The powerful Jubilee 2000 plan to accept the debts of low-income developing countries that are experiencing debt problems serves as a second lesson. This strategy, supported by a secretary in the United Kingdom, later involved:

  • civil society organizations and protesters in 40 states
  • a petition signed by 21 million individuals
  • institutions in both creditor and debtor locations.

Due to these work, 35 developing nations ‘ bills were eliminated. These payments, totaling about US$ 100 billion, were owed generally to bilateral and multilateral established lenders.

They also served as a demonstration of the social power that civil society organizations and institutions can produce when they work together, rich or poor.

They can make the world’s most powerful and well-off institutions and people agree to actions that benefit low-income nations and probably poor communities while also requiring them to make cheap sacrifices.

What conclusions may become drawn?

We don’t undervalue the US’s influence or the MAGA movement‘s willpower. Nonetheless, their power is not complete. As China and India acquire economic and political strength, their relative drop in US power limits it.

Additionally, there are now mechanisms for global cooperation, like the G20, where states can coordinate their actions and win defensive victories that benefit both people and the planet. However, the following may be necessary to achieve these successes:

First, the formation of military alliances that include says from both the Global South and the International North. If these says work together to achieve a set of constrained and shared goals, they can counteract Trump’s global vested interests.

Second, a unique form of public-private association where states and non-state actors agree to work together to accomplish a few specific shared goals.

In the late 1990s, neither state nor civil society organizations alone were able to overthrow the vested passions that opposed debt reduction. Collectively, they were able to sabotage effective bank interests and relieve bill for the poorest states.

Furthermore, this unique collaboration will only be possible if there is general agreement regarding both the diagnosis and the solution’s common form. This was the situation with the debt crisis in the 1990s.

For such creative activities, there are good prospects. For instance, some claims and non-state stars concur that international financial institutions must be improved and made more responsive to the requirements of those part states that actually use their services but lack the right to participate in their leadership.

Additionally, organizations must hold those who are impacted by their policies and practices responsible. They also concur that big corporations and financial organizations may be responsible for the environment and social issues as well as their fair share of taxes.

The earth must respond to Trump as soon as possible due to the urgency of the issues facing the world community. As the G20’s current chair, South Africa has a special responsibility to make sure that this year, along with its engagement groups, acts effectively and properly in terms of people and the planet.

Danny Bradlow is professor/senior studies brother, Centre for Advancement of Scholarship, University of Pretoria

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Asian view on the AI Action Summit – Asia Times

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Most of the nation’s attention was next year’s AI Action Summit in Paris on the growing gap between US and Europe regarding AI technology versus rules.

However, the activities of several Asian nations demonstrate how the area uses a practical approach to address its problems while maximizing the economic opportunities presented by AI.

Asia’s largest locations and those most invested in the AI industry, such as Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan, and South Korea, joined over 100 different places in the Statement on Inclusive and Sustainable AI for Citizens &amp, the Planet.

This contract supports efforts to use AI to decrease the modern divide, promote openness and safety, influence the workplace’s future, and promote economically sustainable AI.

A prudent response to fictitious affects

However, another deal that saw less involvement from Asia was the Paris Charter on AI in the Public Interest, with just co-chair India joining 10 different members. The Charter emphasizes the importance of having access to high-quality info and that “openness in AI is mostly driven by a few actors ‘ determination to partially opened their base models.”

In order to defend the common interest, it put a strong focus on accountability and strict application of regulations.

Japan was the first Asian nation to sign the Council of Europe Framework Convention on Artificial Intelligence and Human Rights, Democracy, and the Rule of Law on the outside of the Paris AI Action Summit, in a line of sight to the rights concerns. People are required to make sure measures are in place to stop AI systems from faking human rights and to take appropriate steps to correct any violations in the Framework.

No participants from Asia ratified the Paris Declaration to maintain animal control in AI-enabled weapons systems. This Declaration aims to provide scaffolding to AI-enabled arms, for instance by ensuring that AI systems are not tasked with delegating life and death decisions without the assistance of humans.

Most Asian nation participation at the Summit was at a number of side situations. To come together with those from the UK, Ireland, and France to agree to a joint declaration on creating reliable data management frameworks, creating regulatory sandboxes for companies to experiment with AI systems, and working with other regulators in the contest, intellectual property, and consumer protection spheres, recognizing that privacy regulators only cannot address all Artificial harms.

A Global AI Assurance Captain for best practices around specialized testing of GenAI applications, a joint statement with Japan on multicultural AI safety tests, and an AI red-teaming assessment report were some of the projects Singapore presented at the summit.

This reflects Singapore’s ongoing efforts to develop realistic AI management tools and to collaborate abroad on these attempts.

Threading the knife on creativity and regulation

Nevertheless, Asian nations did not conflict with one side of the AI development versus regulation discussion. Instead of ignoring the practical issues facing the recent Artificial use cases in private and testing, countries like South Korea and Singapore did so.

Although Japan and India had higher-level human rights and public attention issues, speculative and more important issues involving martial AI and human rights were stifled in more mindful and strategic areas.

These strategies demonstrate that Asiatic nations want to promote AI development while avoiding excessive regulation while also fixing dangerous AI with practical solutions.

Nations will want to see the overall positive economic and social benefits of AI balanced out with any bad outcomes as the AI industry expands in Asia; however, tightening the economy may result in more regulation in the form of greater rules in the years to come.

Seth Hays is an attorney and managing chairman of APAC GATES, a Taipei-based right firm. Additionally, he is in charge of the non-profit Digital Governance Asia, which promotes plan best procedures in all of Asia.

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Trump ticking off items on Putin’s wish list – Asia Times

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The meeting between senior Russian ambassadors from the United States and Saudi Arabia could be the first step in the direction of an end to the conflict in Ukraine.

US and Soviet members reportedly agreed to work on both a peace agreement and to look into potential financial and investment options as a result of the almost five hours of speaks. Whatever the ultimate goal, Ukraine seems set to drop out.

The same cannot be said of the long-term owner of the Kremlin. Vladimir Putin has been pursuing what Donald Trump has given him for the past 20 years. Since Putin hailed the fall of the Soviet Union as” the greatest political crisis” of the 20th centuries, his foreign policy has always been about restoring at least some of the power position the Soviet Union enjoyed.

In some ways, the US government’s willingness to talk with Putin about bringing peace to Ukraine has given the Russian leader exactly what he desired: respect for and perhaps even fear for Moscow, as the Soviet Union again commanded from the West.

And in that impression, Trump’s telephone contact with the Kremlin represented a great triumph for Putin. Putin is currently awaiting a return offer to the best table of international politics. He has given up virtually all of the occupied Ukrainian country to travel there. He has not even offered to retake any of the territory that the Russian troops have taken since their full-scale invasion of Ukraine three years ago.

Then his foreign secretary, Sergei Lavrov, is talking to the US secretary of state, Marco Rubio. While the annexation of Crimea in 2014, which is when Russia’s conflict with Ukraine really began, seems to be getting more and more unnoticed.

The advice from the US defence secretary, Pete Hesgeth, last week that a profit to Ukraine’s pre-2014 edges was “unrealistic” has made clear Washington’s present perspective on that.

So far, so excellent for Putin, who sees the Western alliance beginning to crack after three years of being criticized against him, albeit with varying levels of enthusiasm and commitment.

Washington’s approach to Ukraine is showing signs of major divergence from that of the Union or the UK under Trump. Puntin undoubtedly understands that starting now will lead to longer-term success rather than be cowed by American stress.

The two leaders have now come to a consensus to join, which is a perfect turnaround from Joe Biden’s three years of growing isolation. And, as we know, the first time the two officials met for a conference, in Helsinki in 2018, Putin was widely seen as having outwitted Trump.

As Trump’s then-senior chairman for European and Russian Affairs, Fiona Hill, recalled in her autobiography:” As Trump responded that he believed Putin over his own intellect experts, I wanted to end the whole thing”.

Putin will hardly ever think opponent in any upcoming negotiations. Putin has fulfilled portion of his long-term objective by simply being there to examine the most pressing issue for the future of European stability with the US leader. Officials from the Kremlin and the White House did meet to discuss European politics as the continent’s dominant capabilities, just like in the Soviet Union’s days.

The opinions of Germans themselves, especially Ukrainians, are extra.

Back to the top board

If Putin’s mourn for a lost power in 2005 provided a glimpse into the course of his reign as the leader of Soviet power, he also provided additional clues on the night of the full-scale invasion. Putin expressed regret over the resurrected Soviet Union in December 2021.

He continued,” We turned into a totally different state,” adding that it had a significance well beyond the era in which it occurred. And what had been built up over 1, 000 times was essentially lost”.

Weeks later, with anticipation growing that Russia was planning to invade Ukraine, the foreign ministry in Moscow&nbsp, published&nbsp, a file called the Treaty between The United States of America and the Russian Federation on surveillance offers.

The language used today is impressive because of the references to the Soviet Union, as stated in article 4:” The United States of America may undertake to avoid further east expansion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and deny entry to the Alliance to the States of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.”

The Biden presidency criticized the agreement as teasing. But Hegseth’s new note,” The United States does not think that NATO membership for Ukraine is a practical outcome of a negotiated arrangement”, fits right in with Putin’s wish list.

Russia is attempting to surpass the Soviet Union in global prestige. Additionally, it involves a significant change in activities that favors Putin.

For three years, I have been working on a book, The Transfer of Russia: From Yeltsin to Putin, the Story of a Angry Kremlin.

My studies included interviews with leading politicians, among them Jens Stoltenberg, who served as secretary standard of NATO between 2014 and 2024. I asked him how he saw the upcoming month of the Ukrainian war when we spoke in September 2023. He told me:

Only the Russians have the authority to decide what constitutes an appropriate option. However, the more experienced they are on the field, the more effective they will be at the desk of negotiations, so we have a responsibility to support them. However, it’s up to Ukraine to make the difficult decisions on the battlefield. And of course, at the end of the bargaining process.

Trump’s approach to reaching a deal seems to disregard that logic, which favors Putin before the negotiations even begin.

There is nothing to suggest that Putin’s extended view of history won’t encourage him to go to war once more in a few years, if it does put an end to the battle right away. Additionally, he’ll be more ready than he has been in the previous three bloody years to conquer more territory.

James Rodgers is audience in foreign media, City St George’s, University of London

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