Why Britain is so unprepared to send troops to Ukraine – Asia Times

Prime Minister Keir Starmer stated that the United Kingdom is “ready and willing to contribute to security guarantees to Ukraine by placing our personal troops on the ground if required.”

While reviews suggest these would be “peacekeeping” causes, the reality is that real peacekeepers may be objective. It is possible to say that English troops supporting Ukraine are “partial” in this context. Additionally, the American forces ‘ location in Ukraine would meet the Russian storyline that depicts NATO as the aggressor.

Ukraine is not a member of NATO, but the goal of NATO membership is enshrined in its law. Article 5, which states that each member will consider an assault on any other part as an attack on themselves and to support it, would not be permitted by American forces involved in any kind of battling in Ukraine.

Also, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said last week that Western forces deployed to Ukraine&nbsp, should not be covered&nbsp, under Article 5.

The issue with Starmer’s theory is that the UK is unable to provide enough troops, materials, and weapons to actually serve as a barrier. This is not particularly diverse from how American troops were fighting in Europe more than a century before.

In 1914 Lord Kitchener, next secretary of state for war, speaking of the commission’s decision to go to war in Europe, thundered,” Did they realize, when they went headlong into a warfare like this, that they were without an troops, and without any planning to equip one”?

Small numbers would be nothing more than a” speed-bump” against a massive attack, as the British Expeditionary Force was in 1914 and again in 1940. Their implementation was more indicative of Britain’s support than its actual ability to fight a long battle against a peer enemy due to poor preparation, limited resources, and smaller numbers.

Britain is again in this place. The potential of American forces to fight a peer adversary for an extended period of time has been eliminated due to years of spending cuts. The number of soldiers has fallen from 100, 000 full-time skilled staff in 2000, to nearly 70, 000 nowadays.

Additionally, Britain is unable to produce the goods needed for a contemporary conflict. Much will be needed for urgent capital investment, such as manufacturing capability for arms and ammunition.

Longer-term investment may be required for arms generation, as will the resumption of supporting equipment, such as airports and storage services abandoned after the end of the Cold War, both within Britain and across Europe.

There is only a solution to the quick issue, aside from increasing the amount of money available for defense. Despite the fact that Europe’s existing features have been reduced to the point where they are insufficient, Britain and many other NATO members have remained afraid to raise spending on defence.

Defense spending squabbles

Donald Trump, the US president, has urged NATO nations to increase their defense spending from the current NATO target of 2 % to 5 % of GDP. Without cutting spending elsewhere, this would be very difficult to accomplish in the current financial climate of Britain.

While it has been reported that defense chiefs are urging GDP to increase to 2.65 %, Starmer said he would not be under pressure to raise spending above 2.5 %.

At the height of the Cold War, the UK spent more than 5 % of its GDP on defense. Similar to the east-west split between 1945 and 1991, the current international situation has already started to morph into two distinct blocs.

However, the bipolar balance of the Cold War has been replaced with an increasing instability, as displayed by Russian aggression in Georgia and Ukraine.

Replacing lost capacity is almost always more expensive than maintaining it. The overall cost would most likely have been lower than the amount the nation will now have to invest to obtain the same level of defense had the governments of the past decades maintained the capabilities of the armed forces.

Since 1957, every defense review has resulted in real budget cuts to the defense budget. Nothing presented a sufficient sub-nuclear threat to the nation that was deemed significant enough to prevent them, so military budget reductions continue.

The country is now in such a position to protect itself from such drastic cuts that they are making it impossible to effectively project military power abroad.

We must show that we are truly concerned with our own defense and burden, the prime minister wrote. The implication that he won’t increase spending any time soon quickly undermines this assertion.

None of the NATO members from the West have shown a willingness to significantly increase their defense spending. Great Britain expects to spend £56.4 billion ( US$ 71.1 billion ) for 2024-25, amounting to approximately 2.3 % of GDP.

But this includes £0.65 billion in pensions and benefits, and £0.22 billion in “arms-length bodies” that do not contribute to the defense establishment in any practical terms.

Since 2014, Britain and NATO have been given clear instructions on how to improve their defenses. Everyone has chosen to ignore Russia’s growing threat. We have the impression that we are planning for the best as well as the best.

Lord Tedder, chief of the air staff after the Second World War, wrote,” It is at the outset of war that time is the supreme factor”. It is obvious that NATO missed an opportunity to strengthen its defenses in the first three years of the conflict in Ukraine.

To make up for the deficit from the prior decades, it is now facing a significant increase in defense spending.

University of Reading lecturer in strategic studies and international relations

This article was republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Ne Zha 2 latest show of China’s cultural confidence – Asia Times

Ne Zha, a famous baby warrior from Chinese myth, is frequently depicted as a rebel goddess who defies fate to determine his own destiny.

He struggles to find his own path and beat his destiny after being conceived as a demon, fearful of his mystical abilities, and just foreseeable in three years.

A fresh Chinese movie about the hero broke some box office records, including surpassing Pixar’s Inside Out 2 as the highest-grossing animated movie ever.

A Chinese active fantasy journey film called Ne Zha 2. It might seem odd that it is breaking so numerous files. It’s a movie to a movie that didn’t do as well, it’s not National and it’s not in English.

However, it seems to be continuing its record-breaking work without a halt. Its success led to its debut during the Chinese Lunar New Year, which was followed by its success internationally in countries like wider Asia, North America, and Australia.

For years, Hollywood has dominated China’s package offices, but the discharge of Ne Zha 2 marks a major breakthrough in China’s visual and social development. Its unheard box office performance seems to indicate a shifting pattern in the world film business.

It demonstrates China’s ambivalence and ability to create world-class information that rivals European animation studios like Disney and Pixar. Additionally, it assists in boosting social trust and the projection of soft power, which President Xi Jinping has consistently stressed for years.

Capturing a sensation

The history of Ne Zha, and its many adjustments, have much captivated Taiwanese people of all ages – including me. I fondly recall watching the 1979 type on a black-and-white Television with my family when I was small. The Ming dynasty’s Fengshen Yanyi ( Investiture of the Gods ) novel Fengshen Yanyi ( Investiture of the Gods ) is its source material, which has since been adapted into various literary and religious works.

Ne Zha’s rebellion against royal patriarchal authority is the central plot point. This conflict is centered on parental issues and even attempted patricide.

In contrast, the redefinition of the story portrays this mythologically unstable baby as a decent goddess who fights for his family’s interests by forging alliances, confronting foe factions, and challenging the existing purchase.

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In a culture where the economic downturn and rising unemployment are at odds with one another, it has adeptly tapped into the personal needs of modern Chinese audiences. Chinese audiences have a strong understanding of the themes of parental love and encouraging parenting, which offer both ethnic and sentimental reassurance in uncertain times.

The styles of Taiwanese technological advancement and social excellence have a strong resonance with local audiences. This has given Taiwanese people a strong sense of ethnic identity and regional confidence.

No words in China now seem to convey the emotions after watching the film more effectively than “pride” and a sense of patriotism, both because of the film’s graphically stunning graphics techniques and its portrayal of China’s wealthy cultural traditions.

But, the movie needs to be understood within the wider circumstances of China’s evolving international reputation and its home environment.

Ethnic trust

Beyond pleasure, Ne Zha 2’s victory fits within President Xi Jinping’s ideas on” social confidence”, which can be clearly defined as a world’s company belief in the strength and vitality of its own culture. Since the show’s record-breaking efficiency, state media and numerous state-owned outlets have been deliberately echoing this storyline.

Women’s Daily, the formal news of the Communist Party of China, equates Ne Zha to China’s cultural trust as a means to develop soft energy and explore unknown territory. This emphasis on cultural confidence, however, is not merely state-driven.

Ne Zha is a show of Chinese cultural confidence.
Image: Ne Zha. Enlight Pictures

The film’s director, Jiao Zi, has expressed his confidence in China’s traditional culture, stating:” China’s stories don’t need to deliberately cater to the West”. Instead, he believes that traditional Chinese culture is a vast treasure trove of inspiration, which is interesting to all.

Ne Zha is not an isolated success in absorbing ideas from traditional Chinese culture. Last year’s Black Myth: Wukong, a record-breaking gaming blockbuster, gained global attention at the 2024 Game Awards ( the Oscars of the video games industry ).

Like Ne Zha, it’s based on another legendary 16th-century Chinese novel Xiyouji ( Journey to the West ). China’s official news agency, Xinhua, characterized the enduring popularity of these ancient tales as “part of a broader cultural renaissance”.

Ne Zha’s success is emerging as a key example of China’s growing cultural identity, aligning with the cultural confidence discourse. Ne Zha is described as” a new window for the world to see China,” according to a spokesperson for the foreign ministry.

Whether Ne Zha 2 achieves long-term success abroad is still up for debate. However, one thing is unmistakable: Chinese animation is no longer just for domestic audiences. The film’s popularity is a reflection of China’s wider plans to increase its soft power in addition to its expanding economic and strategic influence.

Ming Gao is research scholar of East Asia Studies, History Division, Lund University

This article was republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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No friends, only foes in Trump’s trade war onslaught – Asia Times

Tokyo – The chances of Donald Trump becoming more interested in business deals than business wars are rapidly waning. The US leader stated to reporters that a new trade agreement with China was “possible,” but there are still other important signs that Asia will experience. &nbsp, &nbsp,

The 10 % tariffs Trump imposed on China and the 25 % on aluminum and steel were sufficient economic drag. But the 25 % income Trump announced this week on trucks, chips and medicine, to become formalized on April 2, raises the stakes greatly for Asia’s view.

Newsrooms from Tokyo to Seoul to Bangkok are emitted with waves of stress. Managers at Toyota, Honda, Nissan, Hyundai, Kia and different manufacturers are now bracing for the worst-case situation.

In Thailand, known as the” Detroit of Asia” for its car-making skills, lords and government leaders everywhere are bracing for the way Trump 2.0 might destroy auto supply stores. &nbsp,

” Expected tariffs on cars pose a particular danger to Japan and South Korea”, says Dave Chia, an analyst at Moody’s Analytics.

Yoshimasa Hayashi, the head of Japan’s top cabinet, tells Tokyo to “respond appropriately by looking into the ( tariffs ) details when they are revealed and how they impact Japan.”

Hayashi insists that Toyota and various Chinese automakers must compete in the US. ” We have already raised the issue with the US state, given the importance of the car business”, Hayashi says.

But Southeast Asia is exceedingly in harm’s way, also. Newsrooms in Bangkok are unable to tell whether the market is in a good or bad shape, according to Kringkrai Thiennukul, the president of the Federation of Thai Industries. &nbsp,

Kriengkrai says,” we may advantage if automobile companies decide to travel or increase their production facilities in Southeast Asia, including Thailand, which is a big production base,” taking the view that” we may benefit from such a situation.”

But no one really knows how large, or how far, Trump will go with restrictions on exports into the world’s biggest market. There are very few indications that Trump will leave his” Tax Man” bay at home in the first month of Trump 2.0.

True, Trump’s business limits aren’t as harsh as he has threatened. The taxes on China so far are a far cry from 60 % or even 100 %. Though smaller than feared, in some regards, Trump is going more extensive with his income.

Trump’s most recent obsession with “reciprocal” tariffs indicates that basically every economically important one is now looking over its shoulder. Which, of course, may be the place. The math might be to accumulate preemptive concessions all over the world.

But with Trump using taxes first and then asking concerns later, it’s good to know if the optimists who believe it’s just a negotiating technique have mistaken.

According to analysts at Capital Economics,” Trump’s propensity to work first and discuss later makes it still seem probable that taxes may increase prices this year and that the Federal Reserve will be on maintain as a result.”

Chia points out that Asia is currently having trouble regaining some of its economic rise from the previous five years. “Economic parameters vary extensively across the place”, he says. Several economies can match the outstanding performance of the US when comparing GDP to its pre-pandemic path.

Output in the US, Chia information, “is about where it would have been, if hardly a little higher, had pre-pandemic development continued”.

GDP in China, the Asia-Pacific state’s development anchor, is about 1.2 % of its pre-pandemic pattern, but almost in line with the world average. India, trailing carefully, is about 2 % of its original craze, but is gaining ground, Chia says.

Established Asian economies — including Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore and Hong Kong— are about 3 % behind as failure in conventional manufacturing surpasses booming it imports.

However, the ASEAN cluster of markets is struggling, with GDP more than 5 % off its pattern, mirroring Western Europe’s battle with pandemic-era consequences.

For Asia, things may get even worse. Trump stated in explaining his plans for a trade war that taxes on semiconductor chips and medicine may begin at” 25 % or higher and will go very significantly higher over the course of a time.”

Trump’s auto-tax danger definitely comes with a keep-rivals-on-their-toes active, the White House has more consciously refused to identify which countries, sectors or parts it will be targeting.

Japan Inc, though, is wasting no time in assessing the collateral damage to come. According to research firm MarkLines in Tokyo, Trump’s tariffs could cost the country’s six major automakers roughly US$ 21 billion, making it even more difficult for those outside the top three to compete globally, such as Mazda and Subaru.

In 2024, imports made up 52 % of Mazda’s sales in the US and 44 % of Subaru’s versus 17 % for Nissan.

The only positive thing that Xi Jinping’s China has to say is that Trump appears to be more interested in criticizing US allies than his geopolitical rivals. After ruining 2025 for Ottawa and Mexico City, Trump is now focused on showing Brussels who’s boss.

For instance, Trump made an appearance to support Russian President Vladimir Putin in the election, even calling Volodymyr Zelensky a “dictator.”

” Despite Zelensky’s and European leaders ‘ best efforts to get on Trump’s good side, the US is no longer a reliable or a good-faith partner”, says Ian Bremmer, CEO at Eurasia Group.

If Vice President JD Vance’s speech at the Munich Security Conference debating European democracy had not made that clear enough, Bremmer writes that” US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent’s attempt to shake down Zelensky for 50 % of Ukraine’s present and future mineral wealth revenues — not in exchange for future US support but as payment for past military aid disbursed under the Biden administration — should have.”

Bremmer points out that these terms account for a larger portion of the GDP of Ukraine than the reparations imposed on Germany by the Versailles Treaty of 1919.

Especially troubling, Bremmer says, is Trump’s effort to force a wartime election on Ukraine. Bremmer claims that doing this” to further the imperialist agenda” of Putin’s regime “is a stain on the United States and its role in the world” rather than” to advance American interests.”

All of this places the EU’s leaders in Berlin, Paris, and other locations in a very difficult position. Add in Trump’s vague tariff threats.

So far this year, Trump’s widening tariff blasts haven’t stopped European stock markets from rising.

” Markets are pricing in a deterioration in US-EU relations, a risk premium tied to Sunday’s German elections, and the potential for higher insurance costs as European nations seek to finance a sharp increase in defense spending”, says researcher Michael Brown at broker Pepperstone.

Analysts at Goldman Sach write that, if enacted, reciprocal tariffs front-run Trump’s most severe trade-war tools. The only positive aspect may be that, according to Goldman analysts, “it is also possible that a reciprocal tariff policy could incrementally reduce trade policy uncertainty once it is announced.”

Even before Trump’s tariffs, many of Europe’s biggest carmakers were facing intensifying headwinds, says Michael&nbsp, Dunne, CEO of auto industry advisory ZoZoGo.

” Privately, European automakers tell me they sense real danger – existential danger”.

Last year, Dunne says, Volkswagen delivered 1 million fewer cars in Europe than it did in 2019. ” Sales in China are collapsing”, he says. VW is shutting down its factories in Germany for the first time in recent memory.

Japan is also anticipating the worst. With each passing tariff threat, hopes that Shigeru Ishiba, the country’s prime minister, will “break” with Trump are thwarted.

Initial expectations were placed on Ishiba pulling off the kind of bond Shinzo Abe and Trump 1.0 created. Though it didn’t earn Japan many deliverables, Tokyo believes Abe shielded Japan from the trade war.

Japan is becoming aware that even the most unlikely scenario could have a devastating impact on the economy. In December, before he took office, Trump talked often about how he had contacts with Chinese leader Xi. ” We’ve had communication”, Trump said. He continued,” I had an agreement with President Xi, who I got along with very well.”

The deal concerned illegal drugs like fentanyl that might be coming from China. Ishiba worries that Trump’s true second-term objective is a “grand bargain” trade agreement with China, leaving Japan with no one else to watch from. So do executives at Toyota, Honda and Nissan.

According to Cody Acree, an analyst at Benchmark Co, the tariffs Trump has proposed would increase the average cost of cars and components from Mexico and Canada by$ 5,790.

Given its sheer volume of trade dollars, the complexity of the intertwined supply and manufacturing channel that has been developed over decades, and the sheer number of our companies that participate in support of this key consumer industry, Acree says,” we believe the auto sector is the most exposed to the risks of increased tariffs.”

Japan values the auto industry even more highly. Tokyo has no choice but to batten down the economic hatches and exploit the worst-case scenarios as Trump expands his tariffs plans to an industry crucial to Japan while keeping deflation in the rearview mirror.

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

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Trump’s quiet change on Taiwan a shot across China’s bow – Asia Times

A very symbolic expression was removed from the US State Department’s regular update on Taiwan. Its past meetings said:” We do not help Taiwan freedom”. This disappeared on February 13, 2025.

That’s not all. The new government under Donald Trump furthermore stated on the same day that it supports a calm and coercive quality to the Sino-Taiwan conflict and opposes unilateral revisions to the status quo on either side. Although these modifications to earlier US positions may seem minor, they are still a significant message to China.

Beijing is concerned that the changes in the&nbsp, State Department’s factsheet&nbsp, suggest that Trump’s authorities may be taking a stronger turn than was expected in being prepared to defend or put support behind the area of Taiwan.

The concern for China is that it sees Taiwan as a breakaway state, which it believes may returning to Beijing’s circle. Some Japanese view it as a distinct status.

China has already sent planes to support the Taiwan Strait in the past year, but it hasn’t ruled out using force to annex Taiwan. China claims the&nbsp, lake between the island and the mainland as its own, though this is&nbsp, disputed&nbsp, under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.

Beijing may be worried that the updated language from Washington on Taiwan may indicate that the US is less likely to have idly by if China invades the island than it might have anticipated. What’s also interesting is why the US is warming up to Taiwan despite how upset Trump has been that Taiwan has” stolen” the US semiconductor industry.

Trump’s gaze on company

Given Trump’s interpersonal, or business-first method, towards politicians, it is hardly surprising that Washington’s updated statement of support on Taiwan’s independence does get aimed towards enhancing US rather than Japanese passions.

Some members of Trump’s subsequent cabinet, including National Security Advisor Mike Waltz and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, support more aggressive stances against China and support Beijing’s position on the issue. China’s expanding effect in Asia, which challenges US influence in the region, is a major US problem.

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In his first weeks in office, Trump announcing more taxes on China.

Washington continues to appear to be supporting a one-China plan, but its most recent statement on Taiwan suggests that the US does take an aggressive stance against Beijing.

Beijing will have to consider its options before attempting to reclaim the area at this time due to the US’s limited attention to the China-Taiwan issue.

A diminished Beijing?

China’s leader, Xi Jinping, had hoped to win foreign hearts and minds through the Belt and Road Initiative, its international business plan to build an global network of locations receiving Chinese purchase. However, the goal of showcasing Xi’s achievements through financial means is not working as planned because China’s personal economy is weakened by a real estate problems that started in 2021.

The other way Xi can improve his standing as leader is by bringing Taiwan back into the Chinese slide. Numerous Chinese officials have made unification with Taiwan a long-term purpose since the Chinese Communist Party came to power in 1949. Therefore, if Xi was re-establish Taiwan in China, he might be regarded internally as one of the best leaders the nation has ever seen.

Washington’s improved position on Taiwan’s independence and clear opposition to force or the use of pressure make this task even more challenging for Beijing, even if China’s plan to reunite with Taiwan was now a major challenge. This ( and possibly being in line with Trump’s agenda ) could further deteriorate Xi’s reputation and weaken his authority.

prepared for the table of negotiations

Before US tariffs were imposed on China during Trump’s first term, which led to the signing of phase one of the deal in January 2020, the US and China had been negotiating for years. Trump has already announced an extra 10 % of Chinese goods tariffs in his first month in office.

These statements about Taiwan are likely intended to strengthen Washington’s bargaining position in the raging China-US trade war.

Trump accused China of “raping” the US with its unfair trade practices and imposing tariffs of up to 25 % on Chinese goods entering the country in 2016. Trump even went so far as to say that tariffs on Chinese goods could reach 60 % during his campaign trail for president in 2024.

Higher tariffs are bad for China because the nation relies heavily on exports for economic growth, particularly on the high-tech “new three” products, such as solar panels and electric vehicles, to recover its ailing economy.

However, if Beijing is forced to retreat from Taiwan, Xi might have to fall back heavily on the economy to maintain political legitimacy. When that occurs, Beijing might be forced to make concessions to Americans, such as purchasing more US goods, and address how subsidies are used to support Chinese businesses in China to the detriment of US businesses.

Overall, it’s likely that someone on Trump’s team has thought about all the implications of tweaking its Taiwan stance, and sees it as working out well for the US economy and, potentially, the Trump government overall. Taiwan plays a pawn in the game, not a pawn.

Chee Meng Tan is assistant professor of business economics, University of Nottingham

This article was republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Satellite view of China’s secretive next-generation carrier – Asia Times

China’s third aircraft provider, known as Type 004, is taking form at the Dalian factory, a next-generation vehicle built for strength prediction with potential nuclear engine and cutting-edge electric launch technology, The War Zone reported.

A package that is compatible with a trip deck and advanced slingshot systems for launching plane, including the J-15 and Z-8 mockups seen outside in the recently released satellite imagery from May 2024, is visible.

Considering legal assembly standards and the presence of mockups that have previously been used for other carriers, the module may be a check or demonstrator segment. The factory, known for constructing China’s earlier Type 001 Liaoning and Type 002 Shandong companies, supports the continued marine growth.

The possible nuclear-powered Type 004 represents a major step in China’s ship features. It features an electric airplane start program ( EMALS), similar to the US Navy’s Ford course, which is gentler on airframes, has a faster recharge rate for more sorties, and can start heavier and more varieties of aircraft.

Those aircraft may include the J-15 with more fuel and munitions and the propeller-driven KJ-600 carrier-based airborne warning and control ( AEW&amp, C ). If so, it might cause China’s carrier’s heat arms to match the US’s.

However, Louis Bearn and Nick Childs mention in a November 2024 International Institute for Strategic Studies ( IISS) article that China must still learn the complexities of catapult-assisted take-off but arrested recovery ( CATOBAR ) carrier operations.

Bearn and Childs note that, at the time of their writing, the testing of China’s second EMALS-equipped ship, the conventional powered Type 003 Fujian, appear to be at the level of familiarizing the team with the boat’s functions and technologies.

They note that the US Navy took six years for its first EMALS-equipped carrier, the USS Gerald R Ford, to go to sea and become fully operational.

Whether Type 004 will be conventional or nuclear-powered is unclear, with arguments for each power plant option.

According to the Associated Press ( AP ), China had created a land-based prototype nuclear reactor for a large surface warship in November 2024, using satellite images of a sizable facility outside Leshan in Sichuan province.

Further, Reuben Johnson mentions in a 1945 article this month that the prototype reactor may not be deployed on China’s upcoming Type 004 and Type 005 carriers but on its Type 006 carrier. According to Johnson, the propulsion system on China’s Type 006 won’t be known until 2026 or the beginning of 2027.

Johnson is interesting to note that China didn’t create a new nuclear reactor for its aircraft carrier rather than repurpose existing ones, like those used to power its Type 093 and Type 094 ballistic missile submarines ( SSBN).

He suggests that China might have taken lessons from France’s experience with changing nuclear reactor designs for its Triomphant SSBNs, Barracuda SSNs, and Charles De Gaulle aircraft carriers because the altered design failed to meet specific performance standards.

However, Asia Times has previously noted that China’s Type 004 will likely be nuclear-powered. A nuclear-powered carrier would provide long-range power projection without the need for forward operating bases or replenishment ships, be a significant prestige asset for China, and provide the necessary power for EMALS technology, given that China already has nuclear-powered submarines operating.

Because China has adopted an evolutionary approach to carrier design, the Type 003 Fujian may offer some clues as to the specifications of its possible Type 004 carrier.

This approach is evident as China expanded its carrier fleet by converting the Soviet-era Varyag hulk to the Type 001 Liaoning, creating the improved Type 002 Shandong, and introducing the Type 003 Fujian, which is a significant design improvement.

According to Naval Technology, the Type 003 Fujian may have an 80, 000-ton displacement, making it comparable to the US Kitty Hawk-class carrier, the last class of conventionally powered US carriers.

Naval Technology also says the Type 003 Fujian could carry around 50-60 aircraft, including J-15 and J-35 fighters alongside KJ-600 AEW&amp, C.

The report mentions that China’s Type 004 will likely be a larger iteration of the Type 003 Fujian, which may be nuclear-powered and have a 100, 000-ton displacement, rivaling the USS Nimitz and Ford-class supercarriers.

In terms of capabilities, Maya Carlin mentions in The National Interest ( TNI ) this month that while the EMALS technology aboard China’s Type 003 Fujian may be on par with its US counterparts, US carriers can carry up to 75 aircraft versus an estimated maximum of 60 for China’s.

Carlin also notes that the US has 11 nuclear-powered carriers, while China has only three conventionally powered ones. However, she notes that China is determined to meet or exceed the US Navy’s capabilities in the future.

Although there are varying estimates for the number of nuclear-powered carriers China plans to construct and how many of them are, the South China Morning Post (SCMP ) stated in February 2019 that China plans to have six carriers by 2035, four of which will be nuclear-powered.

China could use its conventionally powered carriers, such as the Type 001 Liaoning, Type 002 Shandong and Type 003 Fujian, to blockade Taiwan and control the First Island Chain, stretching from Japan to Taiwan and the Philippines.

Conventional power limits these carriers ‘ operational range, making it necessary for them to operate a little closer to China for resupply and refueling.

Nuclear-powered aircraft would not be subject to that restriction, and China would be able to power the region’s Bonin and Volcano Islands, Marianas Islands, Caroline Islands, and Western New Guinea in the Pacific.

These carriers could also operate under a “missile umbrella” made up of DF-21 and DF-26 anti-ship ballistic missiles ( ASBM ) based on the Chinese mainland, preventing a disastrous carrier-carrier collision with the US, similar to the Battle of Midway in World War II, where Japan lost four fleet carriers and the strategic initiative in the Pacific Theater.

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Arakan Army’s triumph ripples through China, India, Bangladesh – Asia Times

Just 15 years after its founding, the Arakan Army ( AA ) has risen to dominate Rakhine state in western Myanmar, controlling 15 of 17 key townships and over 90 % of the territory, including the entire 271-kilometer border with Bangladesh.

These military developments include the historical record of Ann township’s Western Regional Command office, cementing the AA’s military and administrative supremacy.

The AA’s leadership of key Rakhine state functions, from the judiciary to the public health, underpins its desire for greater autonomy under confederate status, through its Arakan People’s Revolutionary Government ( APRG ).

With Rakhine’s corporate site, natural resources and closeness to China-backed system, the AA’s increase reshapes the country’s political and security dynamics, presenting both opportunities and challenges for dialogue and stability.

The AA has established itself as the de facto governing body in much of Rakhine State in a amazing display of endurance and plan. The APRG has assumed roles formerly held by the central power, including leadership, court, and public providers, underscoring the AA’s charge for legitimacy.

Tensions between the Myanmar military and the AA have gotten worse as a result of their fast territorial expansion. The military coup has used divisions within Myanmar to exploit groups by recruiting members of Rohingya military organizations like the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army and the Rohingya Solidarity Organization, trying to keep its grip on power.

These actions have exacerbated racial tensions between the Rohingya Muslim minority and the Rohingya Buddhist majority, causing suspicion to worsen and putting a stop to violent cycles.

While the AA has articulated a vision for equality, especially through the APRG’s operational framework, building confidence with disadvantaged communities—including the Rohingya—remains challenging.

The AA’s ability to foster dialogue and exhibit diverse leadership will determine its ability to achieve long-term stability in Rakhine.

China’s Myanmar footprints

Myanmar state is a focal point of China’s Belt and Road Initiative because of its abundance of natural resources and strategic location along the Bay of Bengal.

Important infrastructure projects, such as the Kyaukphyu deep-sea dock and the Shwe oil pipeline, represent Beijing’s economic ambitions and political priorities in the region.

These initiatives not only protected important energy pathways for China, but they also improve its access to the Indian Ocean, giving Myanmar a crucial network in its wider geographical plan.

In light of the ongoing legal fight, Chinese investments in Myanmar are becoming more resilient. Since the start of” Operation 1027“, anti-junta forces have taken control of 23 out of 34 Chinese-funded projects, with vital areas affected including Rakhine, northern Shan state, and the northern plains.

But the Three Brotherhood Alliance and the National Unity Government’s People’s Defense Forces ( PDFs ) have refrained from directly targeting Chinese initiatives.

However, studies suggest that the junta-backed Pyusawhti military allegedly attacked the Taiwanese Consulate in Mandalay in October 2024. This is only the next occurrence in China-Myanmar diplomatic ties ‘ seven decades.

To prevent these investments, China has partnered with Myanmar’s coup to establish a cooperative security firm. The junta is reviewing the logistical ramifications of a draft memorandum of understanding for the joint venture, including importing security and weapons, to make sure the strategy does not violate Myanmar’s sovereignty.

The proposal indicates Beijing’s lack of confidence in the junta’s ability to maintain control and security. The presence of foreign security forces could lead to resistance from local armed organizations, including the AA, who has already a significant influence in the area, which could be exacerbated by this action.

While Chinese investments are vital to Myanmar’s economy, overt alignment with the military junta risks alienating other stakeholders, including ethnic armed groups. Beijing needs to stay in Rakhine while avoiding furthering existing conflicts, so it will be crucial to keep these tensions at bay.

Labyrinthine conflict dynamic

Deep-rooted mistrust and historical rifts characterize the relationship between the Arakan Army and the Rohingya groups. Ethno-nationalism has often marginalized the Rohingya, while human rights violations by the AA have further strained relations.

These tensions present a significant barrier to achieving lasting peace in Rakhine. However, opportunities for reconciliation exist. A potential shift in its approach is reflected in the AA’s recent statements advocating for an open and inclusive Rakhine and political dialogue.

Building trust will require concrete actions, such as addressing human rights allegations, ensuring the Rohingya have fair representation in government positions, and encouraging mutual respect.

In Cox’s Bazar, refugee camps have become recruitment grounds for armed groups, further complicating the conflict landscape. Taus of Rohingya have been drafted into the military junta as a result of reports of forced recruitment and citizenship promises.

These dynamics underscore the need for coordinated interventions to combat armed group abuse and promote peace and security. While the AA has indicated a willingness to include the Rohingya in its vision of an autonomous Rakhine, serious action will be required to move beyond rhetoric.

Greater integration of Rohingya communities into government structures and a focus on equitable development could lay the groundwork for trust and coexistence. International actors are crucial in bridging this gap. Facilitated discussions between the AA, Rohingya leaders, and other parties might provide a framework for cooperation.

These efforts must be supported by transparency and accountability to ensure they produce meaningful outcomes. A unified governance system that includes diverse viewpoints could provide the foundation for Rakhine’s long-term stability.

Enter India and Bangladesh

As Rakhine’s immediate neighbors, India and Bangladesh have a critical role to play in shaping the region’s future. India’s strategic initiatives, such as the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, aim to enhance connectivity between its northeastern states and Southeast Asia.

However, the AA’s territorial control poses both challenges and opportunities for New Delhi. Having direct ties to the AA might help India secure its infrastructure projects and promote regional trade.

Pragmatic cooperation would increase India’s influence in Rakhine as well as safeguard its investments. Additionally, India’s engagement could serve as a counterbalance to China’s growing presence in the region.

For Bangladesh, the ongoing Rohingya crisis remains a pressing concern. Over a million refugees have been displaced, which has increased domestic tensions and stretched Dhaka’s resources.

Bangladesh could explore new avenues for cooperation, such as establishing humanitarian corridors and addressing cross-border security issues, by adopting a more flexible approach to the AA. The AA’s dialogue could also help to facilitate the voluntary and honorable repatriation of Rohingya refugees.

Both Bangladesh and India should acknowledge that the AA is de facto a major player in Rakhine and work with it as a key player. Such a strategy could promote regional interests that are mutually beneficial.

What can be done?

The path to sustainable peace and stability in Rakhine requires a multifaceted strategy that prioritizes governance, regional collaboration, and humanitarian relief. Key steps include:

    Promoting inclusive governance: The AA needs to move beyond its military accomplishments to demonstrate its capacity for inclusive leadership. This includes protecting the rights of all communities, particularly the Rohingya, and creating equitable governance structures that reflect Rakhine’s diversity.

  1. Promoting constructive dialogue: Building trust and addressing historical grievances requires international support for dialogue between the AA, Rohingya groups, and other stakeholders. These initiatives should be transparent and have mechanisms in place to control progress and accountability.
  2. Leveraging strategic investments: China, India and other stakeholders must ensure their projects contribute to the socioeconomic development of Rakhine’s communities. Investments in education, healthcare, and infrastructure can foster goodwill and mitigate the underlying drivers of conflict.
  3. Enhancing humanitarian assistance: Regional actors, including Bangladesh and India, should facilitate cross-border aid to address the acute needs of displaced populations. Coordinated efforts with international organizations can restore people’s lives and end suffering.

Rakhine’s challenges are immense but not insurmountable. Through inclusive governance, strategic cooperation and sustained international support, the region can transition from conflict to stability.

Rakhine has the potential to serve as a model of resilience and progress in a troubled environment by addressing historical grievances and encouraging collaboration.

Aung Thura Ko Ko ( aung@pacforum .org ) &nbsp, is a research fellow at the Pacific Forum and holds a Master of Public Policy from the University of Oxford. With the author’s kind permission, this article first appeared on Pacific Forum.

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China connects everything to DeepSeek in nationwide plan – Asia Times

China now connects everything to DeepSeek, an artificial intelligence ( AI ) model that developed last month and gained notoriety, from chatbots and smart vehicles to government departments and schools.

Baidu, a Chinese search engine, announced that its robot Ernie Bot 4.9 type now integrates with DeepSeek-R1 to strengthen students ‘ problem-solving capacity. Students can upload a photo of a problem to the robot, which will respond with a detailed explanation. &nbsp,

The business added that from April, it will charge high-end customers just for some custom-made services and will allow specific users and SMEs to use Ernie’s simple functions for free.

According to some Chinese media reports, Baidu could get more information by giving up its closed-source type and connecting with other AI models, but doing so would also need it to rely on external systems and risk losing its profitability over the long run. &nbsp,

Google announced on February 16 that Weixin messaging software users can now search using DeepSeek. Tencent is reportedly considering integrating various items with DeepSeek, according to a company spokesman.

Earlier this month, the Shenzhen-based Huawei said its Huawei Cloud has connected with DeepSeek-R1. Chinese manufacturers BYD and Geely added that DeepSeek-R1 is compatible with their electric vehicles.

Gong Zheng, an engineer at the Institute of Technology and Standards, a research institute under the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology ( MIIT ), said that the technical advantages of leading IT companies “open the door to free AI services.” &nbsp,

Clean basic AI companies may turn into a data-sourcing route for businesses. These companies may form a ‘ finished company loop’ and provide value-added services and enterprise-level solutions”, he said, adding that China wants to develop the industry standards for the next generation of human-computer interaction technology. &nbsp,

A company employs a closed business loop, which actively collects customer feedback and analyzes it to improve its goods and services.

Despite many nations forbid their students from using AI tools to do their homework, many states, including Xinhua, promoted the benefits of allowing primary and secondary school students to use DeepSeek on Tuesday. &nbsp,

Xi’s call

At a symposium in Beijing on Monday, Chinese President Xi Jinping and corporate leaders met to discuss the rise of DeepSeek and related applications.

These company heads included Huawei Technologies ‘ Ren Zhengfei, Alibaba’s Jack Ma, Tencent’s Pony Ma, DeepSeek’s Liang Wenfeng and Unitree’s Wang Xingxing.

” In this new era, the development prospects of the private sector are broad and promising”, Xi said in a speech. ” It’s time for entrepreneurs and private companies to showcase their talents.”

” It is hoped that private firms and entrepreneurs will have the ambition to serve the country, be dedicated to development, abide by the law and do business well, promote common prosperity, and make new and greater contributions to promoting Chinese-style modernization”, he said.

Xi added that some of the difficulties and challenges currently faced by the private sector generally arise during China’s industrial upgrade, but they are partial, temporary, and resolvable.

The People’s Daily claimed that the central government values technological innovation based on DeepSeek and Unitree executives ‘ appearances at Xi’s symposium.

Before this, Chinese Premier Li Qiang had met some entrepreneurs, including Unitree’s Wang, at a symposium in Hangzhou on December 20, 2024. At China Central TV’s Spring Festival Gala on January 28, Unitree received applause for its dancing robots. &nbsp,

Li had also met other industrial experts, including DeepSeek’s Liang, at a symposium in Beijing on January 20, 2025.

The same day that DeepSeek launched DeepSeek-R1, which had surpassed ChatGPT to surpass it in popularity. 1 on the US free app download charts in a few days. Given that DeepSeek had developed its AI model at very low costs, US stocks significantly decreased on January 27 as investors worried that Nvidia and OpenAI might be overvalued.

The DeepSeek team claimed they used only 2, 000 Nvidia H800 chips to train its AI model.

However, no one really knows how many chips DeepSeek has used, nor who ultimately&nbsp, controls this company and offers it unlimited financial resources.

The 2030 goal

China’s State Council made its New Generation AI Development Plan public in July 2017 and pledged to make China a major AI innovation hub and a global leader in AI technology by 2030. &nbsp,

In February 2023, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP ) Central Committee and State Council&nbsp, published&nbsp, the Overall Layout Plan for the Development of a Digital China, calling for the integration of the nation’s digital and real economies. &nbsp,

Vice Premier Liu He at the time said that China should promote its semiconductor industry using a “whole nation” approach, allowing the government to use the resources of the country’s research institutions and businesses to fund technological advancements.

According to the plan, China will form a nationwide system by 2025 to achieve its” Digital China” goal.

The Guangzhou, Nanjing, Suzhou, Zhengzhou, and Hohhot city governments said their computing networks are connected to DeepSeek-R1. &nbsp,

In Shenzhen, the Futian district government said it created 70 AI” staff members” with DeepSeek to handle documents and assist its civil servants. &nbsp,

More and more government departments will try to integrate with AI tools, according to Hu Guoqing, head of the 6G and AI artificial intelligence research group and associate researcher at Peking University’s Shenzhen Research Institute.

Yong Jian contributes to the Asia Times. He is a Chinese journalist who specialises in Chinese technology, economy, and politics. &nbsp,

Read: Where DeepSeek, Qwen’s AI engineers really come from

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Japanese concerned about South Korean polarization and confusion – Asia Times

The answer to South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol’s attempted repeal of military law and his following prosecution by the National Assembly was consistently friendly, if not admirable, of the endurance of Korea’s political institutions.

” Yoon’s motion was unjust and inexcusable”, a senior journalist with large experience covering international affairs at the democratic daily&nbsp, Asahi Shimbun&nbsp, told this author, speaking on history. That opinion was widely shared in Japan straight after the legislature reaffirmed it and the day of his declaration of martial law.”

However, with the imprisonment of President Yoon and the view of growing division within Korea, Japanese observers have grown more worried and concerned about an absence of purchase. These issues can be seen in senior officials ‘ cautious words, which are still friendly, and in the articles of big Japanese newspapers.

” We are watching the internal situation ]in South Korea ] with great interest”, Foreign Minister Iwaya Takeshi&nbsp, told&nbsp, the conservative monthly Gekkan Nippon. ” But I want to think in the endurance of Korea’s democracy”. Iwaya echoed the general worries that the democratic transitions in Seoul may have caused a deterioration in diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan.

” This is the year of the]60th ] anniversary of normalization of relations between Japan and Korea”, Iwaya said. There have been intervals of cooling down and different aspects of Japan-Korea connections. But, Japan-Korea relationships have improved substantially during the Kishida management. We may make every effort possible to carry on this momentum.

The political fragmentation in Korea has caused the traditional community to grow in importance, and there are concerns that North Korea may profit from it.

” The public may also have a growing a sense of disgust toward the opposition, which has exacerbated the turmoil” ,&nbsp, wrote&nbsp, Yomiuri Shimbun, Japan’s largest paper, in a January 16 editorial. ” North Korea has increased its actions this time, such as by firing two nuclear weapons. It is now necessary for both the ruling and opposition parties to attempt to resolve the conflict through peaceful conversations conducted in accordance with judicial methods.

” Ruling and opposition parties cannot afford to remain fixated on their political strife and neglect external vigilance” ,&nbsp, advised&nbsp, the right-wing daily&nbsp, Sankei Shimbun&nbsp, on January 20. Doing so only opens the door for neighboring authoritarian countries to profit from the situation. Those countries include North Korea, which is strengthening its nuclear skills”.

Yet the liberal&nbsp, Asahi Shimbun&nbsp, worried about the consequences of the democratic split within Korea on both security and economic concerns. ” In this lawless condition, both ruling and opposition parties are challenged to laid aside their persistent partisan politics and small party interests to maintain elections through dialogue”, it&nbsp, wrote&nbsp, in a January 16 newspaper.

Korea has significantly decreased since mid-January in Japanese news coverage. Japanese interest waned noticeably as the legal system and courts were tipped over by the Korean conflict, which was followed by street demonstrations.

” The volume of news reports declined as the situation became prolonged with domestic legal procedures”, explained the veteran&nbsp, Asahi Shimbun journalist. He noted that the idea of a descent into political partisanship fed that waning interest.

The author explained that as the conservative party’s approval ratings turned a V-shaped, even beating the progressives, the Japanese public voices that praised the Korean people as faithful defenders of democracy began to decline. It appeared that those developments occurred not as a protest of democracy but as a political game driven by social and ideological divisions.

Unsurprisingly, Donald Trump’s return to power has stifled the attention of the Japanese government as a result of both preparations for Prime Minister Ishiba Shigeru’s recent trip to the White House and the need to deal with the constant flow of events in Washington.

However, the Japanese government maintains its confidence in Korea and emphasizes the significance of the Korea-Japan relationship and the trilateral cooperation established during the Joe Biden administration.

The concern about North Korea’s resurgence as a result of its security alliance with Russia fuels these official Japanese sentiments in some ways. Foreign Minister Iwaya recently stated in the monthly Bungei Shunju,” North Korean soldiers have been deployed to the Ukrainian front and there are concerns that the repercussions will extend to Asia.”

Prim Minister Ishiba’s trip to Washington primarily aimed to avoid a serious disagreement with the Trump administration regarding economic issues, from trade to investment. However, it is obvious that the Japanese government is driven by the need to maintain American presence in East Asia.

Japanese policymakers are concerned about the possibility of a new effort by Trump to hold talks with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un to de facto accept their status as a nuclear power. Following the February 7 meeting, the two governments issued a joint statement that reflected Japanese concerns and viewpoints, which was remarkably similar to those made by the previous US administration.

According to a senior Japanese official, President Trump did not make any mention of the statement, but Prime Minister Ishiba and others put a lot of emphasis on it. This is likely because the Japanese Foreign Ministry was largely responsible for creating it, according to a senior Japanese official.

On Korea, the statement read:

The two leaders reiterated their unwavering support for the DPRK’s ( DPRK) nuclear and missile programs and expressed their serious concerns over and the need to address them. They also reaffirmed their unwavering commitment to the complete denuclearization of the DPRK. Both nations stressed the need to stop and combat the DPRK’s growing military ties with Russia and its vile cyber-crimes. In addition, both countries affirmed the importance of the Japan-U. Trilateral cooperation between the DPRK and supporting regional harmony and prosperity Japan reiterated its support for a quick resolution to the abductions issue in the United States.

For now, this concurrence of views exists, at least on paper. However, it’s likely that the events in Korea will re-appear.

Daniel Sneider is both a lecturer in East Asian Studies at Stanford University and a professor of international policy at Stanford’s Ford Dorsey Master’s in International Policy.

This article was first published in The Peninsula, a publication owned by the Korea Economic Institute of America. It is republished with permission.

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Donald Trump’s multipolar diplomacy – Asia Times

A new multipolar world can be reached by Donald Trump by achieving harmony in Ukraine, stabilizing the Taiwan dispute, and then cutting protection investing in half, preventing a potential US debt crisis.

More than any of his successors, Trump has &nbsp, explained to&nbsp, the people exactly what he means to do and why. &nbsp, The bewilderment with which Western officials and media have responded to Trump and his vital aides&nbsp, does not stem from lack of clarity in Trump’s communication, &nbsp, but from neglect. &nbsp, America’s former clients have &nbsp, little&nbsp, to&nbsp, do &nbsp, in the new order.

The US-Russian agreements that brokered on February 18 in Saudi Arabia are expected to lead to a deal that extends beyond the Ukraine War.

” One of the first meetings I want to have ]is ] with President Xi]of] China and with President Putin of Russia and I want to say,’ let’s cut our military budget in half. &nbsp, We’re going to have them spend a lot less money and we’re going to spend a lot less&nbsp, income, &nbsp, and I know they are going to accomplish it,'” Trump told investigators February 13.

Trump may enter the May 9 Moscow&nbsp, 80th&nbsp, celebration party of success in Europe, which Xi&nbsp, Jinping may go. The Chinese website” Observer” ( guancha.cn ) &nbsp, on February 19 speculates that Trump may convene a “new Yalta conference”, referring to the 1945&nbsp, meeting between Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin&nbsp, that sketched the postwar order. Russian state leaders have also made an appearance in Moscow regarding Trump. &nbsp,

The government’s notes to writers February 18 at Mar-al-Lago provoked outraged&nbsp, remark in conventional media. &nbsp,” Today I heard&nbsp, ]from Ukraine ] &nbsp,, &nbsp,’ Oh, we weren’t invited ‘]to Tuesday’s U. S. Russia talks ]. Well, you’ve been there for three years, you should have ended it ]in ] three years. You should have always started&nbsp, it, &nbsp, you could have made a deal”.

Russia, to be sure, &nbsp, started the military conflict, Trump apparently referred to Zelensky’s abandonment of the Minsk II framework ( Russophone autonomy in a neutral, sovereign Ukraine ). &nbsp, Politico, the victim of tens of millions of dollars of grants from USAID, denounced Trump for “echoing the Kremlin”.

But Trump is unfazed. &nbsp,” They were quite good”, he&nbsp, said&nbsp, at Mar-al-Lago&nbsp, of&nbsp, the debate with&nbsp, Russia&nbsp, in Saudi Arabia. &nbsp,” Russia wants to do something. They want to quit the violent barbarianism”.

The historical allusion to the original Yalta is timely because it marked a catastrophe for the Central Europeans and East Germans who fell under Soviet rule. However, Germany’s Die Welt stated that the Great Powers may end war while the small people are relegated to the children’s board. &nbsp,

The Cheshire cat&nbsp, of&nbsp, Alice in Wonderland&nbsp, vanished&nbsp, except&nbsp, for its smile, and the British—whose then Prime Minister Boris Johnson&nbsp, helped thwart peace negotiations in early 2022 – have disappeared except for their catty sense of humor.

The&nbsp, Economist&nbsp, pundit&nbsp,” Talleyrand” &nbsp, on February 19 deplores&nbsp,” the readiness with which much of the world has accepted the humiliation of Ukraine and its European friends. Where were the South Vietnamese present during the Paris peace negotiations? This pattern was established a long time ago. When the US finally started speaking with the Taliban, where were the Afghan puppet rulers? And now, what about the stalwart&nbsp, Mr&nbsp, Zelenskyy? Proxies are almost always treated&nbsp, thus…. If&nbsp, the Ukrainians are clever, they’ll quietly ask about applying for entry to the BRICS. Join the queue”.

A&nbsp, three-way&nbsp, summit&nbsp, in Moscow&nbsp, is far from certain. If it occurs, the agenda&nbsp, will&nbsp, look something like this:

1 ) A ceasefire in Ukraine with Russia in complete control of the territory it has already taken, including the majority of Donetsk and Luhansk, as well as new elections in Ukraine that almost certainly would eliminate Zelensky. Given that the Europeans have too few deployable forces to cause trouble, and US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has already stated that peacekeepers would not be protected by the mutual defense provisions of NATO treaties, some European or UK peacekeepers might be permitted.

2 ) &nbsp, A rapid end to economic sanctions on Russia. Given that Trump prefers to sell US natural gas to Russia for roughly twice the price than to restore Russian supplies, whether gas supplies will be restored is a matter of negotiation.

3 ) &nbsp, An agreement with China to stabilize the status of Taiwan. Although this would likely fall short of a new Shanghai Agreement&nbsp ( the 1972 treaty restored diplomatic relations between the US and China ), it would still be strong enough to win over both parties.

4 ) &nbsp, The beginning of a nuclear arms negotiation on the scale of the Reagan-Gorbachev&nbsp, agreement at Reykjavik in 1986.

” Observer” columnist Yan Mo on February 19 argues that Trump’s main objective in Taiwan is to bring onshore the knowhow of Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company, &nbsp, which fabricates 90 % of the world’s advanced chips ( 4 nanometers and below ).

Noting Trump’s mention of a 100 % tariff on Taiwanese chip exports to the US, Yan writes: &nbsp,” Trump&nbsp, knows that it is meaningless to impose&nbsp, tariffs&nbsp, on&nbsp, TSMC. After all, TSMC is in an absolute monopoly position…. &nbsp, No matter&nbsp, what tariff&nbsp, is imposed, it will only be shared by customers. &nbsp, At present, the main buyers of TSMC’s advanced process chips are mostly American customers”.

What Trump intends, the Chinese columnist adds, is to force TSMC to set up several plants in the United States ( after years of delays, it is about to open one plant in Arizona ), or to merge TMSC with the struggling US chipmaker Intel, in effect acquiring TSMC’s technology.

From a national security standpoint, that is quite logical: The United States&nbsp, does not want to depend on the People’s Republic of China for advanced chips in the event that Taiwan&nbsp, were&nbsp, absorbed into the mainland. &nbsp,

The State Department last week deleted a phrase from its&nbsp, Taiwan fact sheet&nbsp, stating that the US does not support Taiwan’s independence. That is a bargaining move, the” Observer” columnist argues. ” The US State Department’s deletion of the statement&nbsp, about’ not supporting Taiwan independence ‘&nbsp, is a negotiating posture&nbsp, with respect&nbsp, to&nbsp, mainland&nbsp, China”. If so, it is a clever negotiating move.

Vladimir Putin was forced out of the Kremlin in March 2022, when President Biden declared that the Russian economy would shrink by half&nbsp and that the unipolar world order would end. &nbsp, In October 2022, the United States imposed tech controls&nbsp, that a&nbsp, prominent&nbsp, US analyst&nbsp, dubbed” a new US policy of actively strangling large segments of the Chinese technology industry– strangling with an intent to kill”.

At the conclusion of the first Godfather film, Biden’s attempts to imitate Michael Corleone woefully failed. Russia ‘s&nbsp, economy expanded rather than collapsed, and&nbsp, out-produced&nbsp, the combined NATO countries in arms, while China found workarounds to US controls, producing its own high-end chips and innovative AI systems.

On January 30th, Secretary of State Marco Rubio delivered the eulogy&nbsp for unipolarity, saying,” It’s not normal for the world to simply have a unipolar power.” Unipolarity, he told&nbsp, interviewer Megyn Kelly, “was an anomaly. You eventually would have a multipolar world, multi-great powers operating in various regions of the planet, despite the fact that it was a result of the Cold War’s end.

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Bangladesh unrest reveals bias at the heart of Google search engine – Asia Times

Google’s search engine handles the vast majority of online searches worldwide. By one estimate, it fields 6.3 million queries every second.

Because of the search engine’s enormous scale, its outputs can have outsized effects. And, while Google’s search results are shaped by ostensibly neutral rules and processes, research has shown these algorithms often produce biased results.

This problem of algorithmic bias is again being highlighted by recent escalating tensions between India and Bangladesh and cases of violence against Bangladeshi citizens in India and violence against Hindus in Bangladesh. A pro-Indian misinformation and disinformation campaign is exploiting this algorithmic bias to further its agenda – an agenda that has been described as Islamophobic and alarmist.

This kind of misinformation has been implicated in several riots and violent incidents in Bangladesh.

All of this serves as an important reminder of the power Google’s search engine has in shaping public perceptions of any event – and its vulnerability to being exploited. It’s also an important reminder to anyone who uses Google’s search engine to engage critically with the results it dishes up, rather than accepting them at face value.

What is algorithmic bias?

The algorithms that power Google’s search engine are trained on massive amounts of data. Computer bots gather the data. The bots crawl billions of pages on the internet and automatically analyze their content and quality. This information is stored in a large database, which Google’s search engine relies on to serve up relevant results whenever it receives a query.

But this process doesn’t capture every website on the Internet. It is also governed by predetermined rules about what is high quality and what is low quality, and reflects existing biases in data. For example, even though only 16% of the world’s population speaks English, the language accounts for 55% of all written content online.

This means the reality of life on the ground in non-English-speaking countries is often not reflected in Google search results. This is especially true for those countries in the Global South.

This lack of representation perpetuates real-world biases. It can also hinder a nuanced public understanding of global issues.

What’s happening between Bangladesh and India?

Relations between Muslim-majority Bangladesh and neighboring India, which is currently led by the Hindu nationalist BJP government, have deteriorated recently.

In August last year, youth-led anti-government protests erupted in Bangladesh.

Those protests resulted in the downfall of prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s long-lasting autocratic regime, which had been supported by the Indian government.

An interim government filled the void. But certain Indian media outlets have leveraged sensitive issues such as Hindu minority rights to undermine its legitimacy.

In November, Bangladeshi authorities arrested Hindu leader Chinmoy Krishna Das on sedition charges over allegations he had disrespected the Bangladeshi flag. This triggered violent clashes between his supporters and police. These clashes resulted in the death of a Muslim lawyer.

Hindu activists also attacked a Bangladeshi consulate in India.

There have also been verified instances of mob violence against Hindus in Bangladesh. However, the Bangladeshi government claims these incidents are politically motivated rather than communal attacks.

The unrest intensified earlier this month, with thousands of protestors destroying the family home of deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina in the Bangladeshi capital, Dhaka.

Boosting a disinformation campaign

A disinformation campaign based in India has exaggerated some cases of religious violence against Hindus in Bangladesh.

This campaign has been boosted by Google’s algorithmic bias.

For example, an analysis by the Tech Global Institute of Google search results about Chinmoy Krishna Das’s arrest between November 25 and December 20 last year found a “consistent pattern of bias”.

Specifically, Indian news outlets – including Hindu ultranationalist news outlets – “disproportionately” dominated the top search results. This overshadowed

factual reporting from credible Bangladeshi media outlets […] despite the search originating from within Bangladesh, the country where the incident originally occurred.

This bias was also evident in search queries coming from overseas. For example, roughly 90% of the top results about Chinmoy Krishna Das were from Indian outlets when searched from Australia and the United States. Bangladeshi news outlets featured on the thirteenth and fourteenth pages of results.

Indian news outlets – unlike their Bangladeshi counterparts – produce a substantial amount of content in English. They also employ more advanced search engine optimisation – or SEO – techniques, such as using effective keywords and sensationalist headlines. This gives them an advantage in Google search results compared to their Bangladeshi counterparts.

Another investigation by Bangladeshi fact-checking outlet Rumor Scanner in December 2024 found 72% of social media accounts spreading fake reports and misinformation are located in India.

The Conversation asked Google a series of questions about its search engine. It did not receive a response.

An illustrative case of a global problem

Bangladesh is an illustrative case of the global problem of algorithmic bias. It highlights how search engines can be exploited to promote disinformation and misinformation and powerfully shape people’s perceptions about what’s happening in the world.

It also highlights how everybody should think critically about the information they find online about the current situation in Bangladesh. Or about any news event, for that matter.

The case also reinforces the urgent need for policymakers, tech companies and governments to work together to effectively address algorithmic bias. This is especially urgent in the Global South, where marginal voices remain silenced.

Abdul Aziz is a lecturer in media and communication studies at the School of Arts and Social Sciences, Monash University.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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