The Wars of the Roses: that’s us, that is

Binge-watching Shakespeare’s “The Wars of the Roses” — “Henry VI” parts 1 & 2 and “Richard III” — you realize nothing changes.

On this month’s 400th anniversary of the First Folio’s publication, what looks like a simple squaring up of combative parties is more a dodecahedron of feuding interests. Scratch the surface and deduce that humanity is less straightforwardly angel-and-devil, even if lunacy and the callous intent of leaders tell us otherwise.

Out of three BBC Shakespeare series currently being broadcast by a Britain in sharp decline and waxing nostalgic about the high points of its culture, the 2012 BBC series, “The Hollow Crown”, with Benedict Cumberbatch as Tricky Dicky,  enthralled me the most.

I’m not Cumberbatch’s biggest fan, but in this he was superbad, summoning mesmerizing subtleties of demonic malice and wearing a prosthetic hump a lot better than Richard wears the crown.

If “The Elephant Man” told us beauty is only skin deep, “Richard III” returns us to an age when a deformed body is seen as a corporeal manifestation of the devil within. Yet Cumberbatch injects psychological light and shade into one of theater’s greatest villains.   

I’ve watched the 1965 and 1983 versions of “The Wars Of The Roses” in the past month, but was confused even while viewing with my laptop open at history pages and stopping to check who was stabbing who in the back and why.

In Peter Hall’s classic 1965 production for the BBC, a modern audience can easily lose the plot. Unkind souls might assume this is because we have the memory of goldfish.

Others might put it down to a now-dated acting style dependent on a bellowing vocal delivery, exemplified in the much-parodied Donald Sinden playing Richard, Duke of York.

I like David Warner in his later screen incarnations but I never quite believed him as the fragile Henry since the strong character that made him a favorite baddie was never far below the surface. His vocal approximation of weakness is never convincing. The series is also hamstrung by the limited, fuzzy black-and-white camerawork of the period, and by being stage-bound.

There’s a Great Leap Forward with the BBC Shakespeare Collection from 1983, but its faithfulness to the entire unedited text sometimes hampers its narrative thrust and clarity. The children’s playroom mise en scene and hyper-theatrical style also renders it obtrusively stagey.

This beautiful box set is impressive and eminently strokable, but it’s the 2012 BBC series “The Hollow Crown” that brilliantly nails the throughline via expeditious editing (much of Joan of Arc’s arc is left out) and the amplification of the subtext in unspoken actors’ business clarifying what’s happening. Glossy production values and location filming also help.

Shakespeare’s story is an entangled briar patch. Trouble starts with the descendants of King Edward III (1312-1377) and his wife, Philippa of Hainaut. Actually, it goes back even earlier to Geoffrey of Anjou, the French count who founded the Plantagenet dynasty. Yes, our British monarchy is not only German but French. Very French.

It’s a given that Henry VI (1421-1471) is as weak as Richard II (1367-1400) before him, Richard being the tragic usurped son of Edward, The Black Prince, the eldest son of Edward III.

That line of succession is snuffed out with childless King Richard’s death, propelling the line of the second son — Lionel, Duke of Clarence (1338-1368) — to pole position, led, at the time of the play, by Richard, Duke of York (1411-1460) through his mother Anne, Lionel’s great-granddaughter.

York is also father of Edward IV to be, George “drowned in a butt of Malmsey wine” Duke of Clarence, and a misshapen creature named Richard. These are the white roses of York.

However, the snuffing has been done by upstart Henry Bolingbroke — son of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, Edward III’s son number THREE — the regicide who crowns himself Henry IV by clearing out Richard II to make way for the Lancastrian line: the red roses.

Henry IV’s son, Henry V, unleashes the dogs of war and wins back swathes of French home turf for his band of brothers. His sensitive son, Henry VI, loses it all again and leaves the power vacuum without which we would not have had the drama, or, probably, the current crop of Windsors.

You may now have some sympathy for my recourse to the laptop when cutting through the history thickets of the War of the Roses’ family tree.

How would Shakespeare manage to flatter his royal audience and avoid offending his murderous patrons by pointing out that, actually, the Plantagenets had the better claim to succession, being descended from the second son?

You could present them as syphilitics,  psychos, sadists and child killers whose deformed bodies are manifestations of twisted souls. Or incompetent mad fools who brought it upon themselves.

Henry VI falls into the latter camp. Several times he makes a decision providing a plot point that you know is going to have grim consequences. However, it’s only in the 2012 production that you get the full face-palm revelation that his well-intentioned decisions are going to reap the whirlwind. At times you want to yell, “He’s behind you!”

Henry is blind to the depths of the seething rivalries and hunger for power that permeates even the furniture. The throne is referred to throughout as “the chair” as if this is going to disguise the vaulting ambition of his family.

Shakespeare employs Greek tragic irony, where every step his protagonist takes to create harmony and enjoy a peaceful life is the very move that makes his relatives spit blood.

When Henry’s uncle, the neutral Gloucester, is killed by the Lancastrians, Henry banishes red rose Somerset and Suffolk. So far, so decisive. However, the manipulating Queen Margaret, Henry’s wife and daughter of the current Count of Anjou, pleads her lover Somerset’s case. Henry’s feeble character is further revealed when he relents, enraging the Yorkists and turbo-charging the drama.

This is a cynic’s take on human relations in favor of the strong man (or woman – Elizabeth I would have seen the play) who will restore equilibrium and God’s order. Shakespeare knew how to flatter his audience even if it means abandoning the Christian “blessed are the peacemakers.”

Even when characters do make decisions, hubris abounds and the fallout mounts. A bad decision is as bad as timidity if it’s the wrong choice. No sooner is Edward IV on the “chair” than he seizes defeat from the jaws of victory by rejecting the French princess and marrying widow Elizabeth Woodville, of course, infuriating everyone.

Despite the playwright’s efforts, our sympathy is with Henry VI when he’s traumatized by the Battle of Towton, with carnage which has been compared to the Somme; stripping away his power along with his clothing and tossing his crown into a river. He never wanted this role, having been made king at only nine months old on Henry V’s death.

Not for him dad’s self-justifying rationale, “What watch the King keeps to maintain the peace, whose hours the peasant best advantages.” Henry VI longs for “white hairs and a quiet grave.”

“O piteous spectacle! O bloody times! While lions war and battle for their dens, poor harmless lambs abide their enmity. Weep, wretched man, I’ll aid thee tear for tear and that our hearts and eyes like civil war.”

The choice back then was defeat or destruction: “If you contend, a thousand lives must wither.” Sad to see today’s power politics reverting to a barbarous age where diplomacy and the common good of humanity are blown up because one side has to crush, kill and destroy the other.

As ever, ultimate blame falls on women, even in Elizabethan times. Joan of Arc is defamed as being a vengeful witch rather than a freedom fighter for France. And Henry’s wife, Margaret of Anjou, is the she-wolf who exploits poor Henry and is the source of the Thirty Years War between Plantagenets and Lancastrians.

It was the French who coined the phrase cherchez la femme — “look for the woman” when incapable of taking responsibility for their own drives and errors. Blame everyone else, indulge your rage, take everything.

The First Folio’s 400th anniversary finds us coming full circle, only five years after it seemed peace was breaking out across the world, with a stabilizing global economy and growing prosperity.

As Richard III says:

I am determined to prove a villain
And hate the idle pleasures of these days.
Plots have I laid, inductions dangerous,
By drunken prophecies, libels and dreams,

To set my brother Clarence and the king
In deadly hate the one against the other

Like I said, nuthin’ changes. Watch out for the Dicks.

Anna Chen is on X, formerly Twitter, at @WHampwildlife

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What Gaza might look like ‘the day after’ the war

Less than a week after Hamas’s devastating attacks on October 7, Israel’s intelligence ministry produced a chilling document. It advocated that Israel remove all of Gaza’s Palestinian population and forcibly resettle them in the Egyptian Sinai Peninsula.

In November, a poster advertising a far-right rally in Tel Aviv juxtaposed an image of two cherubic Jewish-Israeli children on a beach (presumably in a vision of a future Gaza) with the ominous policy prescriptions of “occupy, expel, settle.”

Most worryingly, a cabinet minister suggested that Israel could use nuclear weapons against the Gaza Strip. Does this bellicose and dehumanizing rhetoric suggest that Israel’s long-term plan for Gaza is to ethnically cleanse the territory, or even commit genocide there?

There is scant evidence that Israel’s government has any intent or capability to achieve these unsettling goals. Israel’s regional and international partners – Egypt and the US – steadfastly reject any population transfer. Jordan has gone further, claiming that any such policy would constitute a “declaration of war.”

Turnout at the far-right Tel Aviv rally was negligible, and neither the minister who considered “nuking” Gaza, nor the intelligence ministry have any tangible input in Israel’s national security decision-making.

What is more likely is that Israel will indefinitely occupy parts of Gaza, while seeking to eschew responsibility for civilian governance elsewhere in the territory. Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, himself claimed that “we don’t seek to govern Gaza”, but added that the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) should have “overall security responsibility” in the territory for “an indefinite period.”

This strategy is unsurprising, given that Israel has pursued it in all of its diverse occupations to date. These experiences provide a projection of what Israel’s planned “day after Hamas” scenario in Gaza might look like.

The day after

First, Israel is unlikely to control Gaza’s urban areas for long. Israel balks at managing everyday governance in an occupied territory and will refrain from overseeing Gaza’s health, education and welfare ministries, for example. Similarly, IDF planners know that a prolonged military presence in a dense urban area would be an operational nightmare.

Secondly, Israel may restore its attachment to “strategic depth”, a doctrine that seeks to take and indefinitely hold sparsely populated foreign territory. The idea is to keep any fighting outside of Israel itself. Israel is a small country that has gone to war with all its neighbors and as a result has felt safer the more territory it holds beyond its recognised borders.

Taken together, the doctrine of strategic depth and Israel’s desire to detach itself from civilian governance suggests that the IDF will seek to indefinitely occupy some, but not all, of Gaza.

There is growing evidence of what this might look like. Israel’s defense minister, Yoav Gallant, called for a permanent “buffer zone” to the west of the Gaza-Israel border. Deeper inside Gaza, the IDF has bisected the territory and besieged its cities, while avoiding a prolonged presence within them.

The problem with this twin strategy can be seen in Israel’s previous experiences in Gaza, which suggests it has rarely met Israel’s security goals.

Before it withdrew in 2005, Israel occupied about 20% of the sparsely populated but operationally valuable parts of the Gaza Strip, including access roads and strategic positions close to the border. It ceded the urban areas within most of the remaining 80% of the territory to the Palestinian Authority (PA) back in the early 1990s.

One factor that caused Israel to leave was the IDF’s dissatisfaction with the status quo. Strategic depth does not make violence less likely, but merely pushes it away from the border and into foreign territory.

As a result, the international community saw Israel as an illegal occupier. This limited the IDF’s operational freedom, because of the international condemnation it attracted whenever it acted.

Strategic depth also failed to shield Israeli civilians. Despite the IDF occupation of 20% of Gaza, Hamas’ rockets were easily able to fly over the IDF soldiers and into Israel itself.

Map of the Gaza Strip in May 2005, a few months prior to the Israeli withdrawal. The major settlement blocs were the blue-shaded regions of this map.
Map of the Gaza Strip in May 2005, a few months prior to the Israeli withdrawal. The major settlement blocs were the blue-shaded regions of this map. Image: US Central Intelligence Agency

Simultaneously, Israel avoiding responsibility for Gaza’s civilian governance could allow Hamas to retake power. The Biden administration has encouraged Israel to empower the PA within Gaza’s urban areas. Yet, Israel’s far-right government will reject ceding governance to the PA, given that this would make a Palestinian state more likely.

The PA is weaker than ever before due to longstanding and endemic corruption and Israeli policy to curtail its power, particularly under Netanyahu, who has tacitly supported Hamas in Gaza as a competing force. As such, it is unclear if the PA could ever have the capability to govern all of an independent Palestine.

This leaves an open question that Israel’s government can’t currently answer: who will govern Gaza if the IDF does remove Hamas?

The final issue with this dual strategy is that it would constitute less a new Israeli approach and more a continuation of the same policies that proved so deeply flawed on October 7. Right up until Hamas’ incursion on that day, Israel accepted the Islamist group’s control of and governance over Gaza’s urban areas.

Concurrently, Israel unilaterally declared a 400-meter buffer zone on the Gazan side of the border. An intricate network of sensors, drones, walls and watchtowers monitored this zone, with Israel often meeting any unauthorized movement within it with live fire.

That this strategy failed to prevent the deadly attacks of October 7 should serve as pause for thought for Israeli decision-makers deliberating how a post-Hamas security regime could look. There is, however, little evidence that it has.

Rob Geist Pinfold is Lecturer in Peace and Security, Durham University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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What do Pacific people really think of China?

China has been steadily increasing its footprint in the Pacific in recent years as it attempts to deepen its influence and challenge the traditionally strong relationships many countries have with the US and Australia.

But what do people in the Pacific think of China’s expanding interest and engagement in the region?

To find out, we conducted surveys with local residents in two countries where China has focused its outreach in recent years – Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands. Both countries have embraced a foreign policy professing to be a “friend to all and enemy to none.”

PNG is China’s principal diplomatic and trading partner in the region. Prime Minister James Marape just concluded a visit to Beijing where he and Chinese leaders discussed deepening their economic and security ties, including possibly establishing a common currency trading arrangement.

Solomon Islands’ relationship with China, meanwhile, has boomed since it abandoned its diplomatic recognition of Taiwan in September 2019. China has made huge efforts to promote cooperation with Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare’s government on aid, trade, agriculture, health, fisheries and policing cooperation.

Beijing intends to develop this partnership to serve as a role model for other Pacific Island nations that still recognize Taiwan.

While the PNG and Solomon Islands governments welcome China’s growing engagement with their countries, however, our research found this wasn’t always the case with the local populations.

Environmental pollution concerns

Our first survey sought to gauge the corporate social responsibilities of the China-owned Ramu NiCo project in Papua New Guinea through the eyes of those who are currently living or have lived in Madang Province, where it’s located.

We collected 100 responses in total, mainly from current and former Divine Word University students and staff.

In 2019, the nickel mine operator had to apologize for accidentally spilling some 200,000 liters of toxic slurry into a bay in the province. The vast majority (98%) of our respondents said they were concerned about environmental pollution, while nearly 60% thought the mine project has not benefited PNG.

In response to the question, “Looking back, do you support the [previous] government’s approval of the China-owned Ramu NiCo project”, nearly 70% said “no.”

However, those living in the area of the mining lease tended to have a more positive view of the venture because of the direct financial benefit they receive in the form of royalties or ancillary businesses.

And 72% of our participants said they support the PNG government developing a closer relationship with China.

The second survey (conducted by Denghua Zhang and Jeffers Teargun Heptol) asked 78 PNG students who had received Chinese government scholarships for their perceptions on the program and Chinese soft power, more generally.

A large majority of respondents (87%) said they would recommend the program to their friends. Studying in China also appeared to change their impressions of the country itself.

Before these students went to China, they were asked to score the Chinese political system on a scale of one to five (from a very low impression to very high), as compared to political systems in Western countries.

The students gave China’s system an average score of 3.45 out of five before their study abroad. After they started the program and lived in China for some time, this average score increased to 4.01.

The scholarship program also changed their views about China’s environmental sustainability from an average score of 3.17 before they went to China to 3.73 after they arrived. Similarly, the students’ average score for China’s foreign policy was boosted from 3.47 to 3.80.

‘Very helpful in building our roads’

For the third survey (conducted by Denghua Zhang and Lincy Pendeverana), we canvassed 93 students from Solomon Islands National University on their views of China and more traditional Pacific partners like the US and Australia.

Two-thirds of our respondents were supportive of a closer bilateral relationship between China and Solomon Islands, but support for a closer relationship with the US was even higher (76%).

Nearly four-fifths of these students also supported China’s Belt and Road projects in Solomon Islands. One participant wrote, “they are very helpful in building and upgrading our roads.”

The other fifth, however, had a more negative view. For example, one student said, “their purpose is to create a debt risk for our government and that leads the Chinese to control the whole of our resources”.

Another student commented, “for a country like Solomon Islands with a weak economy, this Belt and Road project will be a debt trap.”

While some of the students we surveyed in PNG and the Solomon Islands think positively of China, the views of non-governmental organizations in the Pacific can be less rosy.

For example, another survey of 57 NGOs in PNG, Fiji and Tonga conducted in 2021 by Denghua Zhang (one of the authors) found that a majority in each country disapproved of China’s Belt and Road Initiative.

Their concerns included human rights violations, bad governance, debt risks, environmental pollution and an influx of small Chinese businesses and low-quality goods into their countries. For example, one Fijian NGO representative said, “feels that Fiji can go down the same path as Sri Lanka with their port example.”

Our new surveys paint a more mixed picture of local feelings in the Pacific about China. Our participants did not simply “love China” or “hate China”, but had far more complicated, nuanced perceptions of the country.

This is often not represented in media reports on China’s influence in the region, but is important for policymakers in the US and Australia to understand as they seek to counter moves by China to deepen its relationships here.

Denghua Zhang is research fellow, Australian National University and Bernard Yegiora, Lecturer, Divine Word University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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What Biden wants and needs from Xi in San Francisco

US President Joe Biden is expected to meet China’s leader, Xi Jinping, in San Francisco as part of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) conference on Wednesday, November 15.

Their meeting has great significance, as the two leaders have not met since the G20 in 2022, and because of their lack of agreement concerning current global conflicts, particularly the Ukraine war.

Biden’s relationship with Xi is already strained. At the G20 meeting, Biden spoke with Xi about China’s position on Taiwan (the US is worried about China’s military action towards the self-governing island), the Russian invasion of Ukraine (the US would like China to put pressure on Russia to bring an end to the conflict), and the US-China trade relationship (which has been extremely rocky). These issues are all expected to be on the agenda.

While the US-China relationship is unlikely to be the deciding factor in 2024’s US presidential election, it could feature. Around 83% of Americans have a negative view of China, with people concerned about China’s role in the world and the fate of Taiwan, according to Pew Research.

But Chinese attitudes to the US might be mellowing. According to a poll conducted in October, fewer Chinese (48%) think of the US as an enemy than in 2022 (74%).

Heated agenda

Biden is unlikely to significantly change his current position on China, one that aims to curb China’s economic growth and limit its diplomatic influence while maintaining US geopolitical dominance.

But the Atlantic Council think-tank suggests that maintaining open dialogue with China will gain Biden support from the US public. Only 13% of Americans want a confrontational approach to China, a recent poll suggests.

Biden needs a bump in the polls. Latest surveys on the upcoming presidential election put Biden slightly behind Trump, despite record job creation and 3.7% inflation nearing US Federal Reserve’s target level of 2%.

The uncertainty about who might be in the White House in 2025 will influence Chinese expectations of the meeting. It’s likely that China will not commit to any long-term agreements until after the 2024 election.

Some commentators expect that resumption of high-level military dialogue between the two nations will be a major topic for both leaders. Such dialogue potentially helps to divert a military crisis, especially in contested regions such as the South China Sea and Taiwan Strait where China claims sovereignty.

The Biden administration wants to see greater stability in the US-China relationship and to ensure there is no military misunderstanding between the two countries.

In the Washington Post, political correspondent Olivier Knox speculates that discussions around AI will be on the agenda. The US secretary of state, Antony Blinken, believes that AI should not be involved in the decision-making processes concerning the use of nuclear weapons.

Earlier in November, China signed a declaration at the AI Safety Summit, hosted by the UK at Bletchley Park, signaling a commitment to an international approach to AI and its use.

Some sources have suggested that US authorities are hoping to discuss the possibility that China will restrict the supply of chemicals used to make fentanyl. Deaths involving the drug, a synthetic opioid more powerful than heroin, were more than 100,000 in the US in 2021, according to a recent report from the University of California, Los Angeles.

A bottle of fentanyl pharmaceuticals is displayed in Anyang city, central China’s Henan province. Photo: AFP Forum

Neither the White House nor Beijing have outlined their expectations of the meeting, but that’s probably deliberate. Jude Blanchette, chair of China Studies at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, said the objective of the meeting was to act as a catalyst for further negotiations.

There has been a flurry of meetings between Chinese and US officials in the lead-up to the APEC summit. Janet Yellen, the US treasury secretary, met with the Chinese vice premier, He Lifeng, ahead of the Biden-Xi meeting.

China is also looking for solutions to its economic crisis, and this may open up some space for negotiation. China’s economy is facing many challenges and has not returned to pre-Covid growth levels. China’s foreign trade is in decline and it will seek to discuss improving its trade relationship with the US.

The Trump factor

With an election in 12 months’ time, Biden cannot be seen to be weak towards China. His likely Republican opponent, former president Donald Trump, has continuously adopted a belligerent attitude towards China’s economic challenge to the US, introducing a number of tariffs on Chinese imports after 2018.

In January 2020, Trump signed what he called a “historic trade deal” with China that committed China to buying US$200 billion of US exports before the end of 2021. But China did not keep its end of the bargain, with one report stating that China only bought 58% of the agreed amount, less than it had before the agreement.

Republicans on the House Select Committee on China have written to Biden and demanded that he take a more assertive position to “to defend American interests and values.” The letter also calls on Biden to demand Xi release Hong Kong pro-democracy campaigner Jimmy Lai and others held by China authorities.

There are suggestions that the possibility of Trump returning to the White House is making diplomats around the globe reluctant to commit to long-term partnerships with the US. Trump has promised to “tax China to build up America.” This would resume the trade war that resulted in the Trump administration placing tariffs on Chinese exports to the US.

This meeting could cap tension levels and offer some stability for further negotiations. For Biden, it’s a domestic minefield. If he is too “hard” in his positioning, he risks alienating the electorate, while if he is too soft, he will attract criticism from Republicans.

If Biden can walk this tightrope successfully, he may be able to use it during next year’s election cycle, showing he’s the right person to lead the United States.

Dafydd Townley, Teaching Fellow in International Security, University of Portsmouth

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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The Jews refuse to be crucified again

Antisemitism is rearing its head around the world, including in countries that had been considered safe in that respect.

It is an open secret that antisemitism is not just prevalent among economically weak and poorly educated segments of the population, nor is it exclusive to conservative, religious, fascist and other groups; it also appears among groups and societies that define themselves as liberal, secular and democratic.

We are witnessing how, in the name of liberal values, quite a few of those who advocate human rights are willing to throw Israel under the wheels of radical Islamist butchery and support a final solution – as exemplified by the chant, “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free,” which means genocide.

The new antisemitism is thought to have been born with the spread of the Enlightenment movement in Europe and the Jewish emancipation that followed. Masses of Jews left their way of life and converted to Christianity, or at least assimilated into society without emphasizing their ethnic affiliation. They quickly integrated into the institutions of government, law, economics, and academia.

If the old antisemitism could be explained in terms of religious hatred, deicide and so on, as well as in social terms of seclusion, foreign customs and dress (hatred of the other), then the process of secularization and assimilation of European Jews was supposed to moderate and eradicate the phenomenon. This, however, is not what happened; as the Jews’ contribution to society grew greater, as they integrated into society and gave up distinctive external features, antisemitism increased.

For the most part, this phenomenon is explained in rational terms. Even the myths surrounding the crucifixion of Jesus and the accusations that the Jews were guilty of “murdering God” are a rational explanation for the phenomenon, as, if the Jews are guilty, they should be punished, especially in view of “the fact” that God too had punished them by dispersing the Jews around the world and humiliating them.

But how does antisemitism continue to rumble in the heart of secular Europe, which has freed itself from the shackles of religion, superstitions and other mystical matters?

One could say that Europe was born into these Christian myths. For the past 2,000 years, the most important myth in European culture and phenomenology has been the image of a crucified Jew. Even if for the masses this was the image of God, it reconstructs the central act of Christianity – the crucifixion of the King of Jews, the Messiah whom the Jews rejected – and thus projects onto European culture.

The educated Christian knew of Jesus’ Jewish roots; he was born under Jesus’ shadow, grew up under it and died before the cross. Even if he was not a religious man, he could not escape from the image of Jesus present on almost every street.

It is worth thinking again about the hidden meaning of the Christian myth: a crucified Jew! Wasn’t traditional antisemitism a “compulsive repetition” of the religious trauma Europeans were fed with their mother’s milk: In other words, to materialize the crucifixion in the here and now; a desire to be present in the traumatic and transcendent moment that is the essence of the Christian faith and the key to the believer’s personal salvation?

The story of modern antisemitism is even more fascinating as the Jews who left the ghettos for a new life as (almost) equal citizens no longer played the “role” that had been assigned them, at least from a Christian theological perspective – a dead-alive nation that through its worthless existence demonstrates the righteousness of Christianity and serves as a human resource to play out the myth of the crucifixion through the violence employed against the Jews throughout history

At that stage of history (emancipation and the receipt of at least some civil rights), the Jews sought to descend from the cross and live among those who saw them only through the prism of religion: crucified on the cross and living separately from them.

Nevertheless, in the moments of national crisis experienced by European nations – each in its own way – antisemitism raised its head, returned to the heart of public discourse and sought to put the Jew back on the cross. If we dig deeper, we can identify a deep desire to restore the founding myth of European culture.

But the Jews who had descended from the cross did not want to get back on it and this led to ever-worsening steps against them until the terminal eruption of the Holocaust during World War II. Even before that, in the 19th century with the disappointment with the Enlightenment and emancipation, which did not bear the hoped-for fruits and because of the European nationalism that awoke with the “Springtime of Nations,” a realization emerged that the solution to the Jewish problem would have to come outside of Europe.

While most of the waves of emigration from Europe headed to North America, Jewish destiny was changed by those who embraced Zionism. It completed the historical process of descending from the cross.

Moreover, its deeper meaning was to actively change Jewish destiny. The fact that the Jews were willing to fight for their freedom in the Land of Israel was a continuation of the process of de-mythification in which Jews were no longer willing to be crucified but stood and fought to prevent that.

In this respect, the establishment of the State of Israel had far-reaching psycho-theological significance: not only had Jesus descended from the cross, but he had also wrapped himself in a talit (a prayer shawl) and returned to his homeland. Now he holds a weapon to prevent himself from being crucified again.

The existence of a Jewish state smashes this ancient myth. Hence the automatic opposition of parts of the European intelligentsia not only to Israel’s actions but to its very existence, to the point of supporting movements that seek to destroy them as well. After all, Hamas and its ilk are continuing the historical task that was never ended.

Even if religion no longer holds authority in Europe, the myths that have fed European peoples for thousands of years have not gone away. They are firmly immersed in the collective (unconscious) memory and from there they float up and emerge, each time with a different catalyst.

It is, in a way, similar to the role Sigmund Freud allocated to dreaming where unresolved traumas that threaten to overwhelm consciousness are repressed into the unconscious, but over and again they resurface in consciousness through symbols in dreams.

If the United Nations represents the ancient term “family of nations” (“families of the earth” in the language of the Book of Genesis), then the permanent wholesale denunciation of Israel – and only Israel of all nations – in all UN institutions is a political expression of the old-new antisemitism.

Only once has the UN done something for the benefit of our people. About two years after the establishment of the UN, a majority of its member countries voted to divide the land into a Jewish state and an Arab state (today, the resolution would not pass). The Arabs did not accept partition and launched a war, but for us, it was the fulfillment of our generations-old dream: the establishment of an independent Jewish state in our ancient homeland.

It is hard to avoid the thought that we were “granted” this because, in the six years that preceded the founding of the UN, we fulfilled our “role” as victim and sacrificed in the most terrible and absolute way. Indeed, Israel was established not because of the Holocaust, but despite the Holocaust; however, the fact is that for a short moment in time, we received empathy from some states that since then have never supported us.

After October 7, after the unimaginable horrors that Hamas terrorists inflicted on our daughters, children and babies, the Jews returned for a moment to their traditional “role” as the “Lamb of God.” But the historic change in our fate is that we quickly pulled ourselves together and embarked on a war to eradicate evil from the world and for some that is hard to accept: Jews who defend themselves and refuse to be crucified again. How strange.

This op-ed first appeared on Israel Hayom and is republished with permission.

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Nobel Sustainability Trust launches digital currency initiative

MUNICH, Nov. 9, 2023 —A meeting sponsored by the Nobel Sustainability Trust today launched the Central Bank Digital Currency Collaboration Organization (CBDCCO), under the chairmanship of Peter Nobel, president of the Trust. The organization’s goal is to nurture sustainable economic growth and stability by encouraging the adoption of digital currencies.

The inauguration ceremony represents the culmination of years of activity on the part of a pioneering global Central Bank Digital Currency research organization, the International Telecommunications Union Focus group headed by Dr. David Wen. Dr. Wen is the Director-General of the new CBDCCO.

The new initiative draws on experts from leading regulatory and financial organizations, including the European Security and Market Authority, the Federal Reserve, the Official Monetary and Financial Institutions Forum, China Merchant Bank, CBDC solution provider eCurrency, and technology experts from CBDC solution providers like eCurrency, and Modern Sustainable Solutions (MOSS), a leading carbon offset provider.

Dr. Bruno Wu, the President of CBDCCO and Director-General of the World Sustainability Standard Organization (WSSO), outlined a seven-part program in his keynote speech to the founding conference. Dr. Wu was the honoree of last year’s Nobel Sustainability Trust award.

Under the theme “Star Bridge,” the CBDCCO program will work with central banks to develop digital technology, assist in the integration of digital financial infrastructure, promote accounting standards that corporate sustainability data in accounting standards, apply CBDC technology to Real World Asset Management, develop digital infrastructure for improved global carbon asset management, foster technical standards for a wide range of CBDC solutions, and provide innovative technology for regulatory oversight of sustainability products.

Dr. Wu is a shareholder of the parent company of Asia Times.

Peter Nobel, representing the Nobel Sustainability Trust, stressed the importance of embedding sustainability into the core of future economies. They stated, “Digital currencies present a unique opportunity to rebuild and reshape our financial systems with sustainability at their core.” The Nobel Sustainability Trust, long active in the sustainability space, will provide expertise and support for the new organization.

The CBDCCO and the Nobel Sustainability Trust extended an invitation to other organizations and governments to join their endeavors in forging a sustainable and inclusive financial future.

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He thought Marx meeting Confucius would be cool

A new film series produced in China, When Marx Met Confucius, was viewed more than eight million times in the first two weeks after it was released online in October.

This is not another blockbuster drama of the sort China has been adept at producing in recent years. Rather, it’s a propaganda film aimed at popularizing the latest version of what is known as “Xi Jinping thought”.

Ever since Xi took power in March 2013, his regime has focused on introducing stricter ideological controls and banishing what it calls “false ideological trends, positions and activities.”

The Chinese Communist Party has published regular communiques pushing Xi’s ideological line and When Marx Met Confucius is the latest version of this propaganda drive. Its aim is to reconcile the regime’s official Marxist underpinnings with an appeal to a more specifically Chinese cultural heritage.

But eight million views does not represent great box office in a market as large as China and the reception has been anything but positive with audiences and critics either in China or around the world.

The series primarily consists of dialogues between Confucius and Marx in question-and-answer sessions. These comprise questions raised by a group of young Chinese students and elaborations on these conversations by official scholars and propagandists. The content, structure and aims of the films are unmistakably geared towards popularizing Xi’s ideas, with a particular focus on the youth sector.

Confucius painting. Photo: Dragon’s Armory

The films are distinctive in several ways. They combine some of the tropes and techniques of popular entertainment, including the employment of sophisticated AI and digital technologies, while mixing traditional cultural genres such as Chinese shadow play with modern genres such as rap music.

But perhaps they are most distinctive because of the unlikely idea of conversations between historical figures who lived more than 2,000 years apart: Confucius (551-479BC) and Marx (1818-1883). Comment in the West has tended to focus on what is seen as the rather laughable nature of this device. But there is more at stake than the artistic shortcomings of the production.

The central theme of the series revolves around the notion of “second integration.” This idea was introduced by Xi in July 2021, to mark the 100th anniversary of the Chinese Communist Party. It emphasizes the integration of the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities and its rich traditional culture.

While Marxism has been the official party ideology since Mao’s era, Confucianism has been invoked more recently to build national cohesion. But this film elevates the significance of Confucius to the level of Marx. It’s a shift that would have been unlikely without the approval of Xi himself.

Image: Los Angeles Review of Books / free-use portrait of the Kangxi emperor

Some analysts view Xi’s propaganda efforts through the lens of his steady encouragement of a cult of personality in China. But this perspective overlooks the deeper challenges faced by China’s one-party state.

Challenges of legitimacy

The political philosopher Ci Jiwei, a professor of philosophy at the University of Hong Kong, has argued that China’s propaganda campaigns and ideological repression can be seen as reactions to challenges to the party’s legitimacy. As Ci observes, the CCP “can have no other publicly avowable source of legitimacy than the one tied to its communist revolutionary past.”

But this legitimacy was significantly weakened after the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989. Since then, the party has depended on public acquiescence to its control in exchange for economic development and improvements in people’s living standards.

But this performance legitimacy, relying heavily as it does on economic success, contains inherent vulnerabilities that could undermine the regime.

Chinese society has undergone significant and comprehensive shifts. These have involved the emergence of different economic classes, the development of pluralistic intellectual thought, a revival of pluralistic religious beliefs and awareness of citizen’s rights.

Meanwhile, for all its efforts at propaganda, China’s overall international image is increasingly negative. This prompts fear among the CCP leadership and explains the intensifying crackdown on liberal values and ideological control that was taking place even before Xi took over in 2012.

To some extent, the supercharging of this ideological offensive as represented in “Xi Jinping thought” is a consequence of this trend. It has earned him the popular nickname, the “chief accelerator.”

But this has led to a vicious spiral in which government by diktat – as exemplified in the zero-Covid policy – has led to a slowdown in the Chinese economy and soaring rates of youth unemployment.

As Ci warns, without embracing democracy and opening up to dissenting views, the party’s legitimacy will continue to weaken due to the deep contradictions and flaws inherent in the CCP’s monopoly of power.

Lukewarm public response

These fissures have, if anything, been made more apparent by the project to recuperate Confucianism via When Marx Met Confucius. Outside of official endorsements, the film seems to have received few positive comments within China. Significantly, initial responses from two main ideological camps – the Maoists and the Confucianists – have diverged dramatically.

On two of the most popular hardline Maoist and Chinese Marxist websites, Wuyouzhixiang and Red Songs Association, commentaries have strongly maintained Mao’s condemnation of Confucius and ridiculed the film’s perceived departure from Marxist principles. These commentaries emphatically reject the idea of recognising Confucianism as the root of the national culture and of equating the importance of Confucius with Marx.

That’s Marx on the right. Photo: Chinese Posters

On the two main Confucian websites, the Chinese Confucius Academy and Confucian Network there has been a conspicuous absence of discussion of the widely circulated film series.

Blogger Mr Shen. Photo: YouTube

Among the Chinese diaspora overseas, two prominent bloggers – Teacher Li and Mr Shen – each found the film both bizarre and cringeworthy in its conception and incoherent in its doctrine.

Meanwhile, China’s propaganda campaign, the global civilization initiative, is meeting with intense skepticism in the West. So this attempt to promote “Xi Jinping thought” to the Chinese public appears to be a hard sell.

Tao Zhang is a senior lecturer in the School of Arts & Humanities at Nottingham Trent University.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Ghost of Richelieu solves the Gaza crisis

This time, I received an invitation – or at least I think I did. As I poured out the last of a 2009 Bordeaux, white tartrate crystals at the bottom of the goblet seemed to spell a message on a background of purple dregs: “Pont dA 11 Nov 12am R.”

I blinked and gave the goblet an inebriate second glance, but the wine diamonds had sunk into the slush and the ghostly message had blurred.

“The Pont d’Alma – the entrance to the Paris sewers – at midnight on the 11th of November,” I translated the shorthand that only could have come—the Devil knows how—from the Ghost of Cardinal Richelieu, my ghostly interlocutor on so many past occasions.

And so, an hour before midnight on the appointed day, I jimmied the rusted lock on the grate in front of a small spiral staircase under the Pont d’Alma. Clad in hip boots and waders, I picked my way down the slippery steps to the Paris sewers, clumsily balancing a magnum of Chateau Petrus antique copper spittoon.

I passed the sewers and found the ancient stone stairs that led ever downward, under the medieval archways below the sewers, through archways dense with hanging moss, through levels too numerous to fathom, until I reached Richelieu’s haunt: The ancient ossuary of the Carthusian monks, a tiny, dank, airless, ghost-infested lair. Shivering, I caught my breath.

I planted the spittoon firmly in muck of indeterminate depth on the ossuary floor and uncorked the wine. Presently a tremor came through the viscous air. I poured the Chateau Petrus into the spittoon. A gelatinous object of indeterminate shape approached and inserted an appendage into the neck of the spittoon. The translucent object turned the red of a cardinal’s cassock. With a loud plop, there emerged the head of the Ghost of Richelieu.

“It’s nice of you to come,” the Cardinal said. “Armistice Day evokes une langueur monotone. During the War, we had so many new faces here.”

“Eminence, why have you summoned me?” I ventured.

“Spengler, do you remember what I told you at our last seance?” the ghastly Cardinal replied. I had consulted the Cardinal on October 9, two days after Hamas attacked southern Israel.

“I cannot forget it: You said that Israel would make life in Gaza so difficult that a large part of the population will leave, or that Israel itself will become unlivable, and Israelis will leave.”

“Bingueaux!,” said Richelieu with a lilt that recalled Maurice Chevalier. “It took less than a month! Less than a tenth of the civilian population in the northern half of the Gaza Strip is left. Nearly a million have fled to shelters in southern Gaza. The Israelis moved first and moved fast, and emptied the stronghold of Hamas of its people. It does not matter how long the fighters of Hamas hide in their tunnels. They are trapped and will die there.”

“But Eminence,” I objected, “was this really a stratagem of war?”

Richelieu emitted a sneeze that projected tiny bubbles of ectoplasm from his spectral nose. “The editor of the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, Aluf Benn,” calls my plan a “tie-breaking” move by the Israeli Army:

The October 7 massacre committed by Hamas in the Gaza border communities and the abduction of hundreds of Israelis to Gaza gave Israel domestic support and international legitimacy to deploy unprecedented force, in firepower and duration.

Even if some cease-fire is soon declared under American pressure, Israel will be in no hurry to withdraw and allow the population to return to the northern Strip. And if they do come back – what will they come back to? After all, they will have no homes, streets, educational institutions, shops or any of the infrastructure of a modern city…

Israel is acting to strike at the Hamas forces barricaded in the tunnels, and will try to hunt its leaders, Yahya Sinwar and Mohammed Deif. But the move intended to bring about the collapse of the organization and dismantle its ability to rule Gaza is the instruction given to one million residents of the northern Gaza Strip to huddle together in the southern part of the strip.

“Some will call it genocide, Eminence,” I said.

“Genocide? What!? What do these cretins know about genocide? I could teach them a thing or two about genocide! I paid the Dutch in 1624 to fight Spain, I paid Christian VI of Denmark to invade Germany in 1626, I paid Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden to enter the war in 1630, and when Gustavus fell at Lützen in 1632, I paid Prince Bernard and his mercenaries to attack again. By 1635 Germans were starving and eating the newly buried dead. There weren’t enough Protestants to pursue the war, and I finally had to send my own troops in to keep the war going.”

“Both we and the Austrians exterminated hostile populations,” the Cardinal fulminated. “Our opponent, the Imperial General Tilly took Magdeburg in 1631, and only 5,000 of the 25,000 townspeople were still alive the next day. Pope Urban VIII wrote to Tilly, ‘You have washed your victorious hands in the blood of sinners.’ Religious hatred endured until the middle of the 19th century; you can still admire the bronze statue of Tilly in Munich, erected by the Wittelsbach king in 1844.”

“My colleagues and I reduced the population of Germany and its neighbors by two-fifths in the space of just Thirty Years! And they say that sending civilians to live in tents is genocide!”

“What about the bombing of civilians in Gaza, Eminence?”

“No one will complain too loudly about that, mon ami,” snickered the Cardinal. “The Americans do that sort of thing before breakfast. When they invaded Iraq in 2003, the first few weeks of bombing killed more than 8,000 civilians, with the blessing of a half-dozen of America’s allies. We do not know how many civilians died during Israeli bombardments, but that is what the Americans with their gift for hypocrisy call collateral damage.”

“But how will this end?” I asked Richelieu.

“The refugees will sit in their tents in southern Gaza as a portent of shame for Hamas until someone decides to put them somewhere else. Northern Gaza will remain in ruins, as a monument to the impotence of Hamas. The wealthy Arab states will give alms and wag their fingers at Israel and privately enjoy Hamas’ humiliation. The people will go somewhere. Perhaps the Egyptians will be bribed to take them. It really doesn’t matter. Everybody has to be somewhere.”

Richelieu sneezed again and again, and the little bubbles of ectoplasm began to fill the tiny ossuarium, driving out the air. I gasped for breath as the Cardinal grinned, his purple cassock turning translucent. I awoke next to an empty bottle of Calvados.

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Hamas may turn the sea into a tunnel war weapon

Hamas may have devised a devious aqueous trap for invading Israeli forces, waiting for the opportune moment to strike as the Gaza war enters a dangerous new underground phase.

Last month, ETV Bharat reported that Hamas is planning to use its tunnel-fighting prowess to counter and frustrate Israel’s ground offensive in the Gaza Strip’s northern region.

According to a “what if” memo prepared by the New Delhi-based think tank ImagIndia, Hamas could potentially create a seawater flood in Gaza by remotely exploding a bomb on the Mediterranean coast, ETV Bharat reported.

The report notes that Hamas’ tunnels are on average 50 feet under Gaza land but they can also be dug at a depth of just three to four feet underground to link to the Mediterranean Sea coast.

It says if Israel pushes deeper into Gaza, the seawater will rush in via the tunnels and flood the low-lying areas, creating a marshy belt around four kilometers, making it virtually impossible for Israeli trucks and tanks to move.

The report mentions the US approved the sale of precision-guided weapons to Tel Aviv in May this year while the Israeli military also has the option to use US-made “bunker buster” GBU-28 bombs on the tunnels. But dropping bunker busters in response to a Hamas seawater flood bomb blast would further aggravate the situation, drastically increasing the size of flooded areas.

As using bunker-buster bombs may not be an option, unofficial sources have said that Israel could instead pump a chemical agent into the Hamas tunnel network to smoke out militants and facilitate the rescue of hostages.

Flooding from the sea has been used as a scorched earth area denial strategy for centuries. For instance, at the 1574 Siege of Leyden during the Dutch War of Independence, the Dutch destroyed the dikes on the Maas River, which held back the North Sea, flooding the countryside and forcing the Spanish to retreat.

Another decisive use of flooding as a military strategy was the 1938 destruction of the Yellow River dikes during the Second Sino-Japanese War. By destroying the dikes, the Chinese prevented the Japanese from capturing Shaanxi, Sichuan and Chongqing, albeit at an immense human cost.

More recently, the June 2023 destruction of the Kakhovka Dam, which was then under Russian control, caused severe flooding in Kherson Oblast and delayed Ukraine’s counteroffensive in the region.

The Kahovka Soviet-era dam in the Russian-controlled part of southern Ukraine was blown on June 6, 2023, unleashing a flood of water across the war zone. Photo: Twitter

Jeff Goodson, in an article this month for RealClearDefense, notes that Israel could opt to flood Hamas tunnels to force the enemy above ground, reduce Israeli casualties and resolve the problem of dealing with deep tunnel warfare. He notes that in 2015 Egypt flooded 37 cross-border tunnels in Gaza, setting a precedent for the strategy.

Goodson notes that flooding could be a permanent or near-permanent solution to Israel’s Gaza tunnel problem, as pumping them out would be costly and complex for Hamas.

He writes that Israel could pump seawater from the Mediterranean directly into the tunnel openings through pipelines and that the most direct route to the entrances would require clearing and holding construction sites.

Goodson also suggests that flooding Gaza’s tunnels would reduce civilian casualties while also serving as a long-term area denial strategy for Israel against Hamas.

John Spencer mentions in an article last month for the Modern War Institute that Hamas will likely use its tunnel infrastructure offensively to launch protected surprise attacks, including to infiltrate behind Israeli positions to surprise forces that might not be as well-prepared or sufficiently equipped for combat.

Spencer also suggests Hamas will use its tunnels defensively to escape Israeli observation and attack, allowing fighters to move between fighting positions safely under massive buildings. He says that entering tunnels presents unique tactical challenges for troops, not least poor vision, thin oxygen and the need to carry and use specialized equipment.

Spencer notes the potential for a single Hamas defender to hold a narrow tunnel against a much superior Israeli force.

He writes that while Israel has developed unique tactics and equipment for Gaza tunnel warfare, the depth and scale of the subterranean infrastructure likely surpass Israel’s specialized capabilities and that success on the underground battlefield will ultimately come down to infantry and engineers effectively dealing with issues as they emerge.

Spencer also notes that finding and destroying Hamas’ tunnels will be complicated by terrain, the possibility of Hamas using civilian human shields and the need for a situation-dependent mix of capabilities, which will require a significant amount of time to develop.

Hamas’ possible combined use of targeted intentional flooding with underground warfare elsewhere goes against conventional wisdom that Israel is more likely to flood the tunnels and could serve to negate Israel’s overwhelming conventional military firepower advantage.

Map: Twitter Screngrab

Increasing urbanization and rapid advances in target acquisition and precision strike capabilities mean that subterranean warfare will likely play a bigger role in coming conflicts, especially in asymmetric fights between insurgent and government forces.

In an August 2023 article in the peer-reviewed Studies in Conflict & Terrorism journal, Daphne Richemond-Barak and Stefan Voiculescu-Holvad highlight how subterranean warfare is merging with urban warfare, noting that many major cities have hidden underground passages to house and protect critical infrastructure.

They say that urban tunnels running under densely populated areas present a growing risk to civilian safety and infrastructure when targeted for destruction, as is the case now in Gaza.

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Fusion Diary: An ‘Apollo Program’ for fusion

This is the fourth installment in Asia Times Science Editor Jonathan Tennenbaum’s series “Fusion Diary.” For an introduction to the series, readers are encouraged to start with “US abandoning its leadership in fusion energy,” by Matthew Moynihan and Alfred B Bortz. Then read part 1 of the series here, part 2 here and part 3 here.

Paul Methven, Director of STEP. Photo: UK Atomic Energy Authority

On August 22, 2023, I interviewed Paul Methven, director of Great Britain’s Spherical Tokamak for Energy Production (STEP) program. STEP aims at building a demonstration electric power-generating fusion plant based on the spherical tokamak design.

Formerly director of submarine acquisition for the UK Defense Ministry, Methven brings with him a wealth of knowledge in organizing complex technological endeavors.

He compares the challenges of STEP to the 1960s Apollo program to land astronauts on the Moon and to the US project, led by the legendary Admiral Hyman Rickover, to build the world’s first nuclear-powered submarine. The following is the first of three parts of the interview.

Jonathan Tennenbaum: How would you describe the mission of the STEP program?

Paul Methven: The physical deliverable, if you like, is a prototype fusion energy plant. But the legacy that comes from that is probably the more important thing, which is that the plant will firstly demonstrate that you can actually make fusion energy commercially realistic, but also that through the endeavor of trying to design, deliver, operate that prototype fusion energy plant, you build a supply chain. And through that you really have the industrial capability necessary, with quite a lot of it hosted, or at least value-seeded in the UK, to service fusion programs across the globe, creating a myriad of spinoff businesses.

JT: At this point a number of countries have fusion demonstration reactor programs, generally called demos. Would you call STEP a demo in that sense?

PM: Yes, I would. But it’s a demo beyond “just” the technical aspect. I say “just” in quotation marks because this is an extraordinarily difficult thing to do. But as I say, it takes its direction from the fusion strategy that the UK government has published, which is very short document, eight pages or so, published a couple of years ago, which says, look, we intend to design and deliver a prototype fusion energy plant, and put energy on the grid. But the second goal of that is the development of a supply chain. And so our program objectives are broader than the technical.

JT: Why have you decided to build a spherical tokamak? As far as I know, the demo reactors of other countries are all large tokamaks of the “classical” sort.

PM: At the moment, the UK definitely supports being part of large-scale traditional tokamak development. I think that, in one form or another, we would wish to continue to be part of ITER and indeed to support a number of other fusion programs.

(Note: While in the European Union, Britain participated in ITER through Euratom, an organization of EU member-states. Post-Brexit, Britain is no longer a member of Euratom, and the modality of Britain’s participation in ITER has yet to be settled. – Jonathan Tennenbaum)

The International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor (ITER), now under construction, has the world’s largest superconducting magnets. Shown here in February 2023 is ITER’s  24-meter-diameter poloidal field coil #4, constructed at the F4E factory in Cadarache, France. Photo: F4E / ITER Organization

Because, to just put that in context, I think it’s a bit naive to suggest that there’s only one approach to fusion that could ever work. And I think, from the climate change perspective, it would be folly to only pursue one approach to fusion. It’s too important, for creating a new energy source, to blinker yourself out of everything else.

That said, we looked some time ago at the evolution of the traditional tokamak, the doughnut shape. We said, look, whilst we think technically that can work, do we think that if you merely expanded the scale of that tokamak you would get to a commercially viable proposition? We think that’s less certain.

The pathway to practical fusion power via the traditional tokamak design will require scaling up by a factor of 10 or more compared with the largest existing reactors, Europe’s JET and Japan’s JT-60SA. Images: L-R  Fusion for Energy / JET; EUROfusion / JT-60SA,  ©F4E, ITER /  ©ITER Organization, DEMO / ©EUROfusion

I’m pretty sure that ITER will eventually work and demonstrate what it has to demonstrate. But if you then say I’m scaling that architecture up to commercial scale, the size of everything increases the capital cost. It is going to be pretty challenging to ultimately get return on the levelized cost of energy even in the far future.

And so we thought: is there a cheaper and therefore technically more efficient way of doing this? The UKAEA has a long history of research on the spherical tokamak stemming back to the START device, which then gave rise to MAST [Mega-Ampere Spherical Tokamak], which has then given rise to the MAST Upgrade, where we demonstrated, we believe, that you can be much more efficient with a spherical tokamak.

And now through MAST Upgrade, we demonstrated some of the critical technologies, particularly heat exhaust. That would say, yes, actually, that is a viable route. It’s an efficiency argument en route to commercial deployability that has driven the spherical tokamak pick in terms of timescales.

Left: cutaway diagram of the spherical tokamak ST-40 built by the Tokamak Energy company. Photo: Tokamak Energy. Right: the Mega-Ampere Spherical Tokamak MAST at Culham. Photo: UK Atomic Energy Authority

Now, I don’t know precisely when we’ll have this delivered and what the schedule will be. I am on the record saying that. There’s a lot of work to do, but we will drive for that target of 2040, and as we develop the details of the program, we’ll then work out exactly what is deliverable.

And that’s hugely ambitious, but represents a balance between (A) having to drive really hard, because of the climate necessity and because you have to have a unifying goal around which to drive progress across multiple organizations, and (B) keeping to something we think is potentially credible.

JT: And do you have good support from the UK government, good institutional support for this?

PM: Absolutely. As I said, STEP actually stems from the UK government fusion strategy. We’ve had really strong and consistent support from the government. Despite all the changes of personalities over the last few years, the support for the program has remained extremely strong and has grown in fact.

We can see that through the announcements that have been made, not the least of which was in October last year, the announcement of West Burton as the selected site for the STEP prototype plant. That is a really strong indication since government wouldn’t announce something like a large-scale site with the benefits that that will bring — not just globally, but in that case very locally as well – without being strongly committed

NEXT: Critical decisions on the way to fusion power

Jonathan Tennenbaum, PhD (mathematics), is a former editor of FUSION magazine and has written on a wide variety of topics in science and technology, including several books on nuclear energy.

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