Barkar Nash (Page 57)

According to Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, the governments of Thailand and Cambodia are actively working to eradicate call center fraud sites.

She made the remarks at a conference on Friday with the steering committee to examine efforts to combat human trafficking, call center schemes, and drug trafficking.

The prime minister’s first official visit to the Army Headquarters in Bangkok was even a result of this visit.

Chief of the Defense Forces Gen Songwit Noonpakdee, Royal Thai Police inspector-general Pol Gen Thatchai Pitaneelaboot, as well as staff from the Office of the Narcotics Control Board, the Royal Thai Navy, and the Royal Thai Air Force were among the visitors.

Ms. Paetongtarn said she discussed the issue with Thai Prime Minister Hun Manet and that they agreed to work together after discussing how to combat call center criminals in Cambodia.

Cambodia has shown unwavering participation. Whatever kind of cooperation is required at the level of the working group, there is always a conversation going on and support is usually available, according to Ms. Paetongtarn.

She added that discussions have been held with the National Broadcasting and Telecommunications Commission ( NBTC ) in order to address pending issues.

We want to totally eliminate this problem, despite the significant progress made in the contact center assault. Therefore, the private business will need more of its assistance,” she said.

The prime minister responded to questions about issues that Thai people are being defrauded from the Poi Pet place in Cambodia while the state simply has put in place strict regulations in the Tak province’s Thai-Myanmar border region. The prime minister said the state is taking proactive steps and has received favorable participation from both neighboring countries.

When we requested assistance from Cambodia, they said they were more eager to work with us and to engage with us.

They have been quite helpful, and we are now getting a lot of information about the causes of these issues and are actively working to resolve them, she continued.

When pressed on the slow development of the Poi Pet call center assault, Ms. Paetongtarn claimed that Thai citizens who had been repatriated were being processed for legal actions.

” We are working together on this issue, and there are no obstructions,” she said.

Critics claim that the government has delayed in responding because only about 100 of these companies have been rescued despite the involvement of dozens of Thai people in the fraud networks.

Over the past two days, Pol Gen Thatchai claimed the prime minister has assigned him to work with various organizations in Cambodia.

” We are currently undergoing conversations, and action will begin immediately. We will have to delay until the proper moment while the Vietnamese authorities are planning a crackdown, he said.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs ‘ Department of Information’s Director-General, Nikorndej Balankura, claimed the government is assisting foreigners who have been drawn to Myanmar’s con gangs.

7 372 international citizens had been helped as of Thursday, with 4 895 of them coming home via Thailand. Most were from China (3, 634), followed by Indonesia ( 653 ) and India ( 549 ).

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Never is all pretty as it seems

On the surface, the decision Bhumjaithai Party and its coalition partner may become kneeling. However, some observers believe that an eruption is on hold beneath.

Pheu Thai has been trying to undermine its largest partnership companion and popular Bhumjaithai numbers for some time.

One observer claims that the government is fraught with disdain despite Bhumjaithai head Anutin Charnvirakul’s repeated pledge to support Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra in the future no-confidence debate on Monday.

Critics claim that Pheu Thai’s campaign to use Bhumjaithai as its sole destination for the hapless censure debate may have cooled since the opposition announced Ms. Paetongtarn would be its target.

The spectator said Ms Paetongtarn being singled out is evidently indicative of the opponent’s perception the top is the government’s weakest link and that toppling her may enable a change of administration.

Who among the cabinet officials was the target of intense debate for months? Several brands were made, including the internal secretary and the deputy prime minister, Mr. Anutin.

At the same time, there was no let-up in Bhumjaithai taking a battering, starting with Mr Anutin, who found himself at the heart of an alleged area seize in Nakhon Ratchasima.

The Advisory Committee of the Agriculture and Cooperatives Minister’s Advisory Committee expanded its research into area invasion in the Pak Chong area near Khao Yai National Park last month.

That included the golf course owned by Mr. Anutin’s community, Rancho Charnvee Resort and Country Club.

Thanadol Suwannarit, an assistant to the crops and cooperatives secretary, said the staff inspected three websites in the area.

Rancho Charnvee was likewise visited by the council. Mr. Thanadol claimed that the land was legally obtained from the title deed, but he needs to check the timeframe to make sure it was done constitutionally and that some of the property is incorporated into the land reform area of the Agricultural Land Reform Office.

Mr Anutin insisted his consolidation of the beach area was above table and that he welcomed the investigation. He did, however, believe that the investigation may have been motivated by politics and that anyone who might be blatantly involved in the investigation is a fool.

The Kla Dharma Party, whose father, Capt Thamanat Prompow, was a prominent Pheu Thai legislator and has maintained close ties to the ruling group, governs the agriculture department. Kla Dharma broke away from the Palang Pracharath Party and became the latest member to visit the Paetongtarn management.

One group, according to the source, must demonstrate its “worth” and loyalty by participating in a particular activity in exchange for a larger share of the cabinet seats, in order for a theory that cannot be refuted.

The Department of Special Investigation’s ( DSI) investigation into alleged collusion in last year’s multi-tiered Senate elections has spooked the Senate, despite the fact that the Rancho Charnvee saga has not yet been settled. If such cooperation may be proven in a court of law, some lawmakers stand to lose their tickets.

Many of the lawmakers alleged to become “blue-affiliated” were at risk. Bhumjaithai is colored orange.

These lawmakers have taken jobs over contested congressional issues that are aligned to Bhumjaithai, but which are conflicting to Pheu Thai, such as law act and election bills.

Pheu Thai is naturally upset because Bhumjaithai continuously resonates with the blue senators, who claims the group has a sizable and growing majority in parliament.

The observer claimed it would not be shocking to anticipate powerful political repression of Bhumjaithai, which has now become the preferred party of many conservative voters who are impressed by his unwavering support for their political and social values.

The probe into the Senate elections has threatened to get the DSI in warm water for overstepping its level. The Council of State, the government’s legal shoulder, has also expressed doubts about the DS I’s role in the Senate surveys circumstance, as has the Election Commission asserted that it is the only power with regard to investigating election-related abnormalities.

Bhumjaithai also has a problem with the government considering whether to revoke the contract to host the MotoGP Grand Prix if the race is deemed uninvestment-worthy as the Rancho Charnvee scandal and the Senate poll investigation are far from conclusive.

The race has been held at Chang International Circuit in Buri Ram since 2018. The Bhumjaithai political center has long been in the northeastern province.

The government’s intention to discontinue its support of the MotoGP Grand Prix competition could devastate Newin Chidchob’s sporting empire, which has been hailed as the de facto ruler of Bhumjaithai.

However, Bhumjaithai’s fortunes could take a twist with the censure debate.

Concern is growing that the pressure from the opposition could overtake Ms. Paetongtarn in the debate. The coalition partners may be forced to decide whether to support her or cast a no-confidence vote against her if she leaves the grilling in poor shape.

If Ms Paetongtarn fails to win enough votes, her premiership will be over, and a new government will be formed, with Mr Anutin most probably coming across as a strong choice among the remaining PM candidates.

However, Mr. Anutin has pledged to support Ms. Paetongtarn. The pledge, according to the observer, would prevent the premier from getting the axe and could lead to Bhumjaithai’s problems fading and the party having the last laugh.

About to go head-to-head

After the name of ex-prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra was omitted from the censure motion, the no-confidence debate against Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra is now all but certain.

Whether the debate would take place was uncertain as House Speaker Wan Muhamad Noor Matha had warned the opposition not to name an outsider if it wanted the censure debate to go ahead as planned.

Directly addressing an outsider would violate parliamentary meeting regulation No. 1, Wan, in his opinion. 176 and could subject him and other lawmakers to international defamation lawsuits.

In its original motion solely targeting Ms Paetongtarn, the main opposition People’s Party ( PP ) directly accused her father, Thaksin, of exerting influence over his daughter’s administration. In the updated motion, Thaskin’s name is swapped out for a more general term like” a family member.”

Thaksin has not wasted a moment attacking the PP outside of parliament.

When asked about the accusation that he is acting as a political puppet master, the alleged de facto leader of the ruling Pheu Thai Party shot back:” I must ask whether they]PP members ] have consulted the founder of the]now-dissolved ] Future Forward Party ( FFP ) before deciding to grill]the prime minister ] over this accusation”.

The Move Forward Party, which was the party’s heir apparent after its dissolution into the PP, was the FFP, which was founded in response to an illegal loan it obtained from its founder and leader Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit.

When asked for more details, Thaksin mentioned the PP’s recent victory in the provincial administrative organization election ( PAO ) in Lamphun, which made reference to Mr. Thanathorn’s participation in the election campaign.

Mr Thanathorn is now chairman of the Progressive Movement which has links with both the dissolved MFP and PP, whose candidate Weeradet Pupisit, became the party’s only victor in a PAO chairman election.

Observers claim that Thaksin’s remarks are not off-the-cuff and are intended to discredit the main opposition party by implying that Pheu Thai and the PP are not distinct from one another.

According to Olarn Thinbangtieo, a lecturer in political science at Burapha University, Thaksin’s message is quite clear that both parties are run by insiders, and that PP lawmakers should check with their own “real leader” first.

Since his return from self-exile abroad, Thaksin’s performance in leading the neo-conservative camp appears to have fallen short of expectations as he is unable to reduce the PP’s popularity and eliminate it as a threat to the conservative bloc, said the analyst.

Despite the support of coalition partners, former prime minister Srettha Thavisin and Ms. Paetongtarn have struggled to produce results, especially in opposition to the Bhumjaithai Party and its allies in the Senate.

Mr. Olarn praised Bhumjaithai, which is now led by Anutin Charnvirakul, a deputy prime minister and interior minister, as well as “blue faction” senators for their efforts to stop the 2017 constitution’s revision efforts.

Thaksin, therefore, has little choice but to” stage a public showdown” with the PP, he said, adding that the opposition party must also play its part. Additionally, the PP must portray the red camp, or Pheu Thai, as the greater threat in order for its own survival to survive.

Some 44 former MFP MPs who are currently employed by the PP are accused of supporting a proposal to amend Section 112 of the Criminal Code or the lese majeste law. The case is being reviewed by the National Anti-Corruption Commission ( NACC ) and if the court accepts the case, 25 current PP lawmakers could be suspended from parliamentary duty.

The PP must demonstrate its worth in order to avoid this fate, he said,” with that in mind.”

The analyst noted that the upcoming no-confidence debate is a difficult one for the PP. If the party’s grilling falls flat, it will only confirm speculation about the” Hong Kong deal”. A meeting allegedly took place in Hong Kong between powerful political figures who are portrayed as the realmovers behind Pheu Thai and MFP, according to the agreement.

According to reports, the meeting discussed the possibility of the Pheu Thai-led coalition’s conservative bloc being replaced if and when that bloc was to be abandoned.

” If the PP fails to deliver in the debate, it will add credibility to the rumoured deal between Thaksin and Mr Thanathorn in Hong Kong.

Anything less could support the claim of a backroom agreement, he said, and the opposition must give its best shot [in the censure debate].

Pheu Thai’s plan of attack is to engage both sides in a fight-and-make-up game with the opposition while maintaining its partnership with Bhumjaithai, which has close ties to the Senate.

So, the real burden falls on Thaksin whose political manoeuvring will decide both the Pheu Thai Party’s future and his daughter’s political fate.

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On the surface, the judgement Pheu Thai Party and coalition partner Bhumjaithai Party may be getting on. But, according to a number of observers, an eruption is on the horizon.

Pheu Thai has long tried to demonize its most important coalition partner and popular Bhumjaithai numbers.

Despite Bhumjaithai head Anutin Charnvirakul’s repeated conviction that the group will march behind Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra in the future no-confidence conversation on Monday, the environment within the state is heavy with disdain, according to one observer.

After the opposition announced Ms. Paetongtarn would be its hapless destination for the lone censure debate, critics claim that Pheu Thai’s campaign to use Bhumjaithai as a political assault on the opposition may have cooled.

The spectator claimed that the fact that Ms. Paetongtarn was given the spotlight is a clear indication of the opponent’s belief that the prime minister is the weakest link and that her ouster may lead to a change of government.

For days, who among the government ministers would be targeted for a frying was the subject of big speculation. Several brands were made, including the interior minister and the deputy prime minister, Mr. Anutin.

There was no let-up in Bhumjaithai, starting with Mr. Anutin, who was allegedly the subject of a land seize in Nakhon Ratchasima.

Next month, the Agriculture and Cooperatives Minister’s Advisory Committee expanded its investigation into area invasion in Pak Chong area near Khao Yai National Park.

That included Mr. Anutin’s family’s golfing lessons, Rancho Charnvee Resort and Country Club.

The group inspected three places in the area, according to Thanadol Suwannarit, an advisor to the minister of agriculture and cooperatives.

The commission likewise visited Rancho Charnvee. Mr. Thanadol claimed that the land was legally obtained from the title deed, but he needs to check the timeframe to make sure it was done constitutionally and that some of the property is incorporated into the land reform area of the Agricultural Land Reform Office.

Mr. Anutin reaffirmed that his purchase of the hotel land was improper and that he appreciated the scrutiny. Nevertheless, he suspected the sensor may have been politically motivated and accused whoever may be pulling the strings of being a fool.

The Kla Dharma Party, whose father, Capt. Thamanat Prompow, was a prominent Pheu Thai legislator and has maintained close ties to the ruling party, controls the agriculture department. The Palang Pracharath Party’s KLA Dharma quit and joined the Paetongtarn leadership as the most recent addition.

The supply said a theory, which cannot be dismissed, is that one party– understood to be a reference to Kla Dharma– must demonstrate its “worth” and show its loyalty by undertaking a particular task in exchange for a bigger share of cabinet seats.

The Department of Special Investigation ( DSI)’s investigation into alleged collusion in last year’s multi-tiered Senate elections has spooked the Senate, despite the fact that the Rancho Charnvee saga has not yet settled. Several senators risk losing their seats if such cooperation may be proven in court.

Many of those at risk were said to be the “blue-affiliated” lawmakers. Bhumjaithai is colored orange.

These senators have taken positions on controversial legislative issues, including those involving the amendment to the mandate and vote bills that are opposed to Pheu Thai.

With Bhumjaithai constantly striking a string with the blue senators, the gathering commands large and growing strength within parliament, normally leaving Pheu Thai chagrined, according to the observer.

The observer claimed it would not be surprising to anticipate intense political repression of Bhumjaithai, which has now become the preferred party for many conservative voters impressed by Bhumjaithai’s unwavering support of their political and social values.

The DSI could face legal consequences as a result of the Senate polls ‘ investigation. The Election Commission has asserted it is the sole authority in investigating election-related irregularities, and the Council of State, the government’s legal arm, has also expressed reservations about the DS I’s involvement in the Senate poll case.

Bhumjaithai also has a problem with the government considering whether to revoke the contract to host the MotoGP Grand Prix if the race is deemed uninvestment-worthy in light of the Rancho Charnvee scandal and the Senate poll investigation, which are both far from conclusive.

Since 2018, the race has taken place at Buri Ram’s Chang International Circuit. The northeastern province has long been a political bastion of Bhumjaithai.

The government’s decision to discontinue its support of the MotoGP Grand Prix event could devastate Newin Chidchob’s sporting empire, which is regarded as the de facto ruler of Bhumjaithai.

However, the censure debate may cause Bhumjaithai’s fortunes to change.

With the opposition zeroing in on Ms Paetongtarn in the debate, concern is mounting that the pressure could overwhelm her. The coalition partners may be forced to decide whether to support her or cast a no-confidence vote against her if she leaves the grilling in poor shape.

If Ms. Paetongtarn is unable to garner enough votes, her term as prime minister will be over, and Mr. Anutin will most likely emerge as one of the remaining PM candidates.

However, Mr Anutin has vowed to back Ms Paetongtarn. The pledge, according to the observer, would prevent the premier from getting the axe and could lead to Bhumjaithai’s problems fading and the party having the last laugh.

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About to face off in a bout to be played.

After ex-prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra’s name was omitted from the censure motion, the no-confidence debate against Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra is now all but certain.

As House Speaker Wan Muhamad Noor Matha had warned the opposition not to name an outsider if it wanted the censure debate to proceed as planned, it was uncertain whether it would occur.

According to Mr Wan, directly referring to an outsider would violate parliamentary meeting regulation No. 176 and could subject him and other lawmakers to defamation claims brought by outsiders.

The main opposition People’s Party ( PP ) directly accused her father, Thaksin, of having an influence over his daughter’s administration in its original motion, which was only directed at Ms Paetongtarn. In the revised motion, Thaskin’s name is replaced with a broader term” a family member”.

Thaksin has not wasted a moment attacking the PP outside of parliament.

When asked about the claim that he was acting as a political puppet master, the alleged de facto leader of the ruling Pheu Thai Party responded,” I must ask whether they]PP members ] have spoken with the founder of the]now-dissolved ] Future Forward Party ( FFP ) before making a grilling request for the prime minister.

The FFP disbanded over an illegal loan it obtained from its founder and leader Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, was the predecessor of the Move Forward Party, which reincarnated upon its dissolution into the PP.

When asked for more details, Thaksin mentioned the PP’s recent victory in the provincial administrative organization election ( PAO ) in Lamphun, making reference to Mr. Thanathorn’s involvement in the election campaign.

Weeradet Pupisit, the party’s only winner in a PAO chairman election, is now the head of the Progressive Movement, which has connections to both the disbanded MFP and PP.

According to observers, Thaksin’s remarks are no off-the-cuff comments and are intended to discredit the main opposition party by implying that Pheu Thai and the PP are no different.

According to Olarn Thinbangtieo, a lecturer in political science at Burapha University, Thaksin’s message is quite clear that both parties are run by insiders, and that PP lawmakers should check with their own “real leader” first.

The analyst said that Thaksin’s performance in leading the neo-conservative camp has fallen short of expectations since his return from self-exile abroad because he is unable to lessen the PP’s popularity and make it less of a threat to the conservative bloc.

Former prime minister Srettha Thavisin and Ms Paetongtarn, despite backing from coalition partners, have struggled to deliver results, particularly compared to the Bhumjaithai Party and its allies in the Senate.

Mr. Olarn praised Bhumjaithai under the leadership of “blue faction” senators and Anutin Charnvirakul, who are both a deputy prime minister and interior minister, for their efforts to stop the 2017 constitution’s revision efforts.

Thaksin therefore has little choice but to” stage a public showdown” with the PP, he said, adding that the opposition party also needs to play its part. Moreover, for its own survival, the PP must position itself as the lesser evil, portraying the red camp, or Pheu Thai, as the greater threat.

Some 44 former MFP MPs who are currently employed by the PP are accused of supporting a proposal to amend Section 112 of the Criminal Code or the Lese Majority Law. The National Anti-Corruption Commission ( NACC ) is reviewing the case, and if the court decides otherwise, 25 of the current PP lawmakers could be expelled from parliamentary duty.

” With that in mind, the PP must prove its worth and avoid this fate”, he said.

The upcoming no-confidence debate is a high-stakes game for the PP, according to the analyst. If the party’s grilling fails, it will only support the” Hong Kong deal” speculation. The deal involves a meeting that supposedly took place in Hong Kong between powerful political actors labelled as the real movers behind Pheu Thai and MFP.

According to reports, the meeting discussed the possibility of the MFP stepping in to take over the Pheu Thai-led coalition if and when the latter was abandoned.

If the PP doesn’t deliver in the debate, it will give the rumored deal between Thaksin and Mr. Thanathorn in Hong Kong more credibility.

” The opposition must give its best shot ]in the censure debate], and anything less could fuel the claim of a backroom agreement, “he said.

Pheu Thai’s plan of attack is to engage both sides in a fight-and-make-up game with the opposition while maintaining its partnership with Bhumjaithai, which has close ties to the Senate.

Therefore, Thaksin bears the real price for both the political future of the Pheu Thai Party and his daughter’s future.

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