Maybe not so united

Perhaps no more united

The development of the much-anticipated digital pocket handout plan may lead to the end of the coalition’s ferocious relationship.

Some critics are beginning to suspect that the decision Pheu Thai Party may not be as uptight as it may be if the knife is thrown at it and that the populist program might not even be seen in print.

The reviewers feel the plan hinges on the strength of relationships between the alliance partners. The president’s expensive handbook plan, however, appears to be justified in the eyes of the public.

Despite government officials repeatedly refuting the idea of an internal rift between them and the ruling party, Pheu Thai has touched a nerve with the major right-wing partners, Bhumjaithai and the United Thai Nation ( UTN) Party.

Although this state has entered its ninth month in office, some observers reckon it has managed to do amazingly well to keep partnership unification, considering the party backgrounds are worlds off.

Under the preceding management, which was led by former prime minister Gen Prayut Chan- o-cha, Pheu Thai after had a hostile relationship, especially with the UTN, which was still a part of Palang Pracharath, which is now a partnership party. He was in charge of the May 2014 revolution that overthrew the next Pheu Thai-led state.

Pheu Thai has maintained a fairly unbreakable link with Bhumjaithai. Bhumjaithai has explicitly stated that it has never spoken or behaved poorly against any political group for a long time and has made enemies of no one in politics. Its “central” position and medium size make it a good fit for the party to form any coalition government.

But when it came to the legalisation of cannabis, Pheu Thai and the Bhumjaithai have not seen eye to eye. Pheu Thai opposed the plan, which was supported by Bhumjaithai when it was in the Prayut Chan- o gan leadership, both before and after the public vote next year.

Social spectators were betting that now that the two parties are in the same coalition, they can find common ground and work through their disagreements. But as it has turned out, the problem has not only gone unanswered, it is looking to have led to holes in state unity.

Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin revealed his schedule to decriminalize cannabis use in a state-owned media outlet France 24 a few months ago. According to reports, he reportedly argued that the social benefits of legalizing cannabis outweigh the monetary benefits of making it available for both medical use and research purposes.

The same information was relayed to the public first next month by Public Health Minister Somsak Thepsutin who reaffirmed Mr Srettha has set a deadline for the ministry to are- list cannabis as a opioid before the year is out. Mr. Somsak argued that the premier should have the plant recriminalized” the sooner, the better”

Anutin Charnvirakul, a leader of Bhumjaithai and interior minister, said the plan to reclassify marijuana as a narcotic should be studied and evaluated by several health committees before any action is taken.

Although Bhumjaithai had pushed for the decriminalisation of cannabis, Mr Anutin, a former public health minister, said he would accept the outcome if health committees opt to reclassify the drug.

Pheu Thai was testing the party’s patience and friendship while working for the UTN when Pichai Chunhavajira, the newly appointed finance minister, was accused of unfairly delegating the Public Debt Management Office to one of his three deputies, Krisada Chinavicharana from the UTN.

Mr. Pichai, who was formerly a partner to Mr. Srettha, divided the other departments between his two Pheu Thai deputies, Paopoom Rojanasakul and Julapun Amornvivat.

The uneven split forced Mr Krisada to quit as deputy finance minister, it was reported.

Mr. Krisada claimed in his letter of resignation that he and Mr. Pichai had a different work philosophy and that Mr. Pichai had treated him unfairly when they collaborated.

According to a source, Pheu Thai may be rubbing Bhumjaithai and UTN in the wrong way for a reason.

” Imagine the friction getting out of hand and the two parties deciding to be vindictive and voting down the bill to procure the finances to fund the digital wallet scheme in parliament.

The source speculated that Pheu Thai may be appreciative of their efforts.

According to the source, Pheu Thai may secretly be praying that the digital wallet scheme succeeds. The policy, if allowed to materialise, could run the huge risk of breaking the law over its planned procurement of a loan from the Bank for Agriculture and Agricultural Cooperatives ( BAAC ) to partially provide the scheme with its needed financial lifeline.

The wallet scheme runs the risk of breaking the BAAC law, which forbids the bank from lending to the government for handouts.

The two coalition partners would be held accountable for derailing Pheu Thai’s flagship election policy if the bill is sunk in parliament.

But if this occurred, Bhumjaithai and UTN would have to exit the government. According to the source, they could be replaced by the main opposition Move Forward Party right away.

The lawman’s return

The return of Wissanu Krea- ngam to politics as Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin’s adviser left observers wondering about Pheu Thai’s resources when it comes to legal experts.

Mr. Wissanu has worked for eight different prime ministers and served in 12 different governments before becoming a well-known legal expert. So, when he announced in August last year that he was done with politics, some observers doubted whether he would or actually could wash his hands of it.

Even so, they did not anticipate him joining the Pheu Thai-led coalition despite the criticism he has received from Pheu Thai heavyweights.

As it turned out, Mr. Wissanu appeared to be one of the many “legal experts Mr. Srettha has consulted on while facing charges in the Constitutional Court regarding his appointment of controversial politician Pichit Chuenban as prime minister in the most recent cabinet reshuffle.

Pichit is off the hook because he resigned from the cabinet shortly before the Constitutional Court agreed to hear a petition lodged by 40 senators over his controversial appointment.

However, if the court finds him in violation of cabinet minister ethics rules, Mr. Srettha, who approved Pichit’s appointment despite his dubious background, may be fired.

When he represented then-on-released former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, who is regarded as a respected figure in Pheu Thai, in a contentious land deal case in 2008, Pichit served jail time for contempt of court in connection with an attempted bribery case.

On June 25 that year, the Supreme Court sentenced Pichit and two of his colleagues to six months in prison after they tried to bribe Supreme Court officials by handing them a paper bag containing 2 million baht in cash a fortnight earlier.

According to media reports, the prime minister offered Mr. Wissanu a deputy prime minister position when Mr. Srettha approached him for assistance. However, Mr. Wissanu turned it down due to a number of factors, including health issues.

The prime minister then asked Mr Wissanu to become an adviser instead. Because there were several legal experts in the coalition government willing to assist, Mr. Wissanu once more declined. When Mr. Srettha insisted on having a politically neutral adviser, he eventually gave in.

However, several analysts find it hard to believe that Mr Wissanu would accept the job simply because he could not resist the call of a prime minister in need.

They believed that Mr. Wissanu took the job at the urging of influential people, who, in their opinion, have no other choice but to hire Mr. Srettha, who they believe can form a link between the conservative movement and Thaksin, the alleged de facto leader of the ruling party.

The prime minister will use every means at his disposal to maintain his position of power, according to Phichai Ratnatilaka Na Bhuket, a lecturer from the National Institute of Development Administration ( Nida ).

At the same time, the conservative camp also needs Mr Srettha to remain and Mr Wissanu, who has decades of legal wisdom under his belt, is expected to help him navigate the legal minefield and ensure he stays premier for as long as possible, according to Mr Phichai.

The analyst does not believe that Mr. Wissanu will be able to assist Thaksin, who is accused of being charged with computer crime and lese majore in relation to an interview conducted for the South Korean Chosun Ilbo newspaper in 2015.

With his statements that claimed secret councillors supported the 2014 coup that overthrew the government of his younger sister, Ying­luck Shinawatra, Thaksin is alleged to have defamed the monarchy.

On May 29, the attorney general decided to indict Thaksin but could not arraign him as planned because his lawyer submitted a medical certificate stating the former premier had Covid- 19 and needed to rest. To begin the indictment process, Thaksin is scheduled to show up before the court on June 18.

According to Mr. Phichai, along with other political pundits, the indictment against Thaksin serves as a warning to the conservative establishment that he should follow when he attempts to regain a leading position in politics.

Thaksin fled Thailand in 2008, shortly before the Supreme Court convicted him for helping his then- wife Khunying Potjaman Na Pombejra buy prime land in the Ratchadaphisek area at a discount while he was prime minister. He returned late last year amid rumors that a deal had been reached with the conservative camp had been made.

According to Mr. Phichai, Thaksin is very likely to flee at first sign that he wo n’t be granted bail.

” If there are negotiating skills left in him, Thaksin is likely to be granted bail]when he reports for the indictment. ] He claimed that denying bail would indicate that the deal had broken down.

The former premier, who has maintained a low profile since the indictment controversy, is still in the country, but it is anyone’s guess when he will show up for the June 18 appointment with the prosecutors, according to a source close to Thaksin.