“Caste, for 5,000 years, has been the basis of unbridled torture and ostracization; now it has become the basis of justice.” – V P Singh
These were the words attributed to then-prime minister Vishwanath Pratap Singh after making a historic announcement in the Indian Parliament in August 1990 of a 27% reservation for Other Backward Castes (OBCs) in central government jobs.
Reservation in India is given to people from backward castes and disadvantaged sections of society who have been historically deprived of education, skills, and wealth for thousands of years. In a previous article, I have discussed in detail the reservation and caste systems in India.
Whenever the topic of OBC reservation comes up, two names undoubtedly come to mind: the Mandal Commission and the late Vishwanath Pratap Singh.
The Mandal Commission was established in India under the aegis of former Bihar chief minister B P Mandal to “identify the socially or educationally backward caste” of India in 1978. The Commission reported that 52% of the country’s population was made up of OBCs and recommended reservation of up to 27% in all government services.
But it was only implemented by prime minister V P Singh in 1990, almost a decade later. There was already 22.5% reserved for SCs (Scheduled Castes) and ST (Scheduled Tribes).
By giving reservation to OBCs in employment, Singh led the biggest social revolution in India since independence. He was like the Greek god Prometheus, stealing fire from upper-caste Hindu elites to empower the oppressed majority despite himself being an upper-caste Hindu.
A damning punishment followed for Singh. After three months, the Bharatiya Janata Party withdrew its support for his government and his administration was toppled. The BJP was always against the OBC reservation. But the genie was out of the bottle. V P Singh ensured the inclusiveness of the backward castes into the mainstream institutions, which always remains on paper.
Sadly, he was not given the due credit for his role. And even after 30 years, OBC and SC/ST people are severely under-represented, especially in higher levels of governance.
Rising inequality
In March 2022, according to data tabled in the Indian Parliament by Jitender Singh, minister of personal, public grievances and pensions, only six of the secretaries and special secretaries are from SC and ST communities. No data are maintained about OBCs. Out of 91 additional secretaries, the number of officers belonging to SC/ST and OBC communities is 10 and four respectively.
On the other hand, of 245 joint secretaries in various ministries/departments under the Central Staffing Scheme, the number of officers from SC/ST and OBC communities is 26 and 29 respectively. This is nowhere close to the reservation provided for OBC (27%), SC (15%), and ST (7.5%) by the constitution.
Even in Group A of the Cabinet Secretariat, which reports directly to the prime minister, there are six SC, one ST, and two OBC officers out of 81 total officers. In Group B, out of 109 officers, there are only 20 from OBC, and six each from SC and ST.
Jitender Singh also pointed out that by March 1, 2020, 872,243 central government posts were vacant. The data on representation in the central government paint a grim picture of the caste discrimination against OBC/ SC/ST under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s regime. However, Modi is the same person who began promoting his OBC status from 2014 general election in order to win the support of 50% (OBC) of the electorate.
The story doesn’t end here. The second half of the Mandal Commission’s recommendation was a reservation for OBCs in central educational institutions. The OBCs had to wait until 2006 for this. Even after so many years, there are only nine OBC professors in central universities across India against 313 quota posts.
Data collected through Right to Information requests and other official sources show that the reservations for faculty positions – 7.5% for Scheduled Tribes and 15% for Dalits – are not being filled at these prestigious institutes, according to the report.
In the top five Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs, the premier institutes of the country), 98% of faculty are upper-caste according to a Nature article. A report released by Oxfam India-Newslaundry found that 90% of high-profile jobs in Indian mainstream media are held by upper-caste groups; not a single SC or ST leads a mainstream media outlet. So there are in essence no media outlets that represent the voices of the majority of the population.
Because of the disproportionate share of the upper caste in jobs, access to higher education and government institutions, political parties from time to time raised the demand for a caste-based census.
The last caste census data was gathered and published around 1931, during the British era. Proponents in favor of the caste-based census argue that hundred-year-old data cannot be used to prepare a state budget tailored for the welfare of oppressed classes. New scientific data are needed for better implementation of welfare programs.
Thanks to public pressure, the Bihar government ordered a caste-based survey starting from January 7 this year. The BJP accused Chief Minister Nitish Kumar of playing politics, but the demand for a caste census goes beyond politics.
India runs the world’s largest affirmative welfare program based on caste identity. Assuming that the political development in Bihar is likely to have wider implications nationally, three petitions were filed in the Supreme Court challenging a caste-based census arguing that it will divide the society.
On Friday, January 20, the Supreme Court dismissed all three pleas challenging a caste-based census. This puts a stamp on the revival of Mandal 2,0 in Indian politics.
“Mandal” is the code for backward-caste consolidation politics, and “Kamandal” implies Hindutva politics. This is something that makes the RSS/BJP deeply uneasy before the 2024 general election. The upper castes are considered the BJP’s traditional strongest vote bank. But they need to change their old mindset and focus on inclusive development.
Mandal vs Kamandal in 2024
Caste is still a taboo and viewed negatively in India. Even in the 21st century, educated Indians carry this stigma. It’s also the reason for hatred, bias, and prejudice in society. For a ruling minority, reservation is at odds with merit, while for the majority it’s part of social justice.
A caste-based census might instill fear among a Hindutva-ideology party like the BJP, but it would certainly pave the way for a more inclusive society. Social reforms such as the implementation of the Mandal Commission followed by economic reforms in the 1990s led to the rise of India on the global stage.
A new caste-based census or survey followed by economic reform would embark the country on a new development journey with a new middle class.
Even the Supreme Court has given the go-ahead for a caste census. All the opposition parties need to support a caste-based survey in their respective states. Currently, the opposition parties of India are divided on the issue, but they can’t ignore it for long. The sooner they achieve a consensus on a matter, the higher their chances of winning elections in 2024 will be.
The agenda for 2024 should be “inclusive development with social justice,” which Modi wouldn’t be able to provide in a decade. It’s time to eliminate this social evil that divides our society and nation, as 21st-century India needs a new system, new vision, new rules, and new thinking.