The” Bangkok Post” examines five of the most significant political stories that have bothered the country over the past 12 months as the year 2025 draws near.
1. Srettha’s administration gone in blink of an eye
Srettha Thavisin’s wealth have changed dramatically, from a tycoon in real estate to the nation’s 30th prime minister.
However, his reign as premier was only a month long before an expected fall from grace.
Mr Srettha was selected by the ruling Pheu Thai Party from its three individuals to get nominated for a parliamentary vote as prime minister. His nomination came after the Move Forward Party’s ( MFP ) futile campaign to win Pita Limjaroenrat’s nomination for president.
On August 22, 2023, Mr. Srettha assumed office. Commanding no political party in Pheu Thai and lacking knowledge in politics, he rose to the top employment amid condemnation he was playing the role of a marionette PM.
He was praised for his numerous national trips abroad and for having had discussions with BoT government Sethaput Suthiwartnarueput over curiosity rates while he was in office.
Mr. Sethaput urged the central bank to have more control over how much money is spent, while Mr. Srettha frequently requested that the BoT reduce prices to encourage the business.
Mr Srettha even earned censure for being unable to move out Pheu Thai’s premier online budget plan as promised during the election.
In addition, a complaint was filed against Mr. Srettha for naming former convict Pichit Chuenban as a cabinet secretary.
The Constitutional Court found Mr. Srettha innocent of a grave ethical lapse on August 14 for the Pichit session. The decision cost Mr Srettha his work.
At alleged offer from former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, coalition party leaders apparently convened in Bangkok’s Charan Sanitwong Road’s Chan Songla residence.
The consensus among the participants was to nominate original attorney-general Chaikasem Nitisiri for prime minister. He and Paetongtarn Shinawatra were Pheu Thai’s two remaining prime ministerial prospects.
However, some Pheu Thai people called a press conference the following morning to demand that the party nominate Ms. Paetongtarn, Thaksin’s youngest girl and party leader, as the primary governmental applicant for a vote in parliament. The group paid.
The group members argued Mr Chaikasem suffered from poor health. On the other hand, Ms. Paetongtarn belonged to a new generation of politicians, has the value of party members, and is able to travel to components far and wide.
Ms. Paetongtarn was elected prime minister on August 16 by the legislature.
2. Senate surveys increases the influence of the “blues” group.
The most difficult Senate election in Thai background may be much around, but it could have raised the stakes for the “blue gathering” by allowing for a difficult political bargain.
Election Commission team matter vote during the Senate vote at Impact Forum in Nonthaburi on June 26. Pattarapong Chatpattarasill ( Photo )
In June, the nation conducted a three-tier vote to elect 200 lawmakers to replace the 150-member Senate that had been hand-picked by the now-defunct National Council for Peace and Order.
The elections held over three times in June involved encouraging legislators from individuals representing 20 expert groups at district, provincial and national levels.
Before those who were shortlisted cast the inter-group vote that led to the 200 winners, the candidates were narrowed down intra-group election.
The surveys resulted in a military mobilization of votes by various networks and organizations that are thought to be strongly linked to parties.
Social watchers noted unexpected spikes in the number of applicants registered in particular provinces.
It turns out that some unsuccessful candidates left with no intergroup seats, which ultimately led to the selection of the winners. This led to the hypothes of some experts who believed that zero-vote individuals had been “recruited” to enter the race in order to vote for other candidates who had been supported by parties.
An enormous 160-170 of the 200 lawmakers were thought to possess a “blue” associations. The second-largest partnership group, Bhumjaithai, is represented by the color blue.
In regions dominated by Bhumjaithai, quite as Buri Ram, Ang Thong, Satun, Amnat Charoen, Uthai Thani, Si Sa Ket, and Ayutthaya, several of the so-called orange legislators had triumphed.
An idea has been created of a vast majority of lawmakers coming to work with a wire lifter. Given the Senate’s authority to pass or block policy, they have been accused of forming a formidable power behind the blue group.
In the meantime, Bhumjaithai has criticized various events for supporting legislative changes that would facilitate a vote on any proposed charter revision.
The group’s have coincides with the Senate which is adamant about keeping the more difficult way of the double-majority rule — where more than 50 % of citizens must join in the election, and the majority of those who cast their votes may review it — alive.
3. PAO surveys raise group approval ratings
Elections were held for Provincial Administrative Organisation ( PAO ) presidents in 29 provinces despite plans to hold all PAO chairman polls on the same day in February next year.
On June 8, the brother of the Thanyaburi Municipality mayor, Thaksin Shinawatra, endorses Pheu Thai member Charn Phuangphet. ( Photo: TV screen shot )
The Election Commission (EC ) had called elections for PAO chairs and councillors whose term ended on Dec 19 for Feb 1.
However, many local elections were earlier cancelled because of incumbent resignations. The majority, if not all, of the incumbents resigned while still enjoying strong support.
Waiting until their conditions came to an end in December and putting up a contest in the February elections might have encouraged rivals to increase their influence and increase incumbents ‘ chances of keeping their posts.
Among the attentively watched events was the Pathum Thani competition, which was full of twists and turns.
Former long-time leader of Pathum Thani’s PAO, Charn Phuangpetch, who ran under the Khon Rak Pathum ( Love Pathum ) group banner, won favorably in the election.
Charn was suspended from office, but, because a corruption and misconduct investigation arose in connection with his involvement in Pathum Thani PAO’s purchase of disaster relief products in 2011.
An alleged election law violation, but, resulted in his being disqualified by the EC. The EC approved Pol Lt Gen Kamronwit’s defeat on October 16 after his victory was won. In the corruption case, Charn and six different people received a 7.5-year sentence from the Criminal Court for Corruption and Misconduct on October 24.
This PAO challenge also seized public interest according to previous premier Thaksin Shinawatra’s support in the strategy. Thaksin visited the state and urged Charn’s red tees, a major supporter of the Pheu Thai Party, to unite behind him.
Thin Ubumrung, a veteran politician, resigned from the group after being criticized for fraternizing with Pol Lt Gen Kamronwit, a near friend of the Ubumrung home, in the first ballot. This also caused an interior rift within the organization.
The fatal shooting of Chaimet” Sol Jor Tong” Sitsanitphong, a municipal council representative in Prachin Buri, on Dec 11 was a harsh reminder of the higher stakes involved in PAO votes, as the crime is suspected to be linked to political power struggles.
The Feb 1 local elections were seen as significant indicators of party popularity on the national stage because major parties were fielding candidates.
4. Move Forward Party is down but not out
The Move Forward Party ( MPF ) won a general election, making it Thailand’s third political party to be disbanded. With 151 House seats and 14 million party-list votes, it won the 2023 election sweeping victory.
The People’s Party recruit party members and receive donations at Stadium One, Chula Soi 5, Bangkok on Aug 10. ( Photo: Nutthawat Wichieanbut )
The party had only entered a general election two years prior. The first was in 2019 when the Future Forward Party, the MFP’s precursor, came in third behind Pheu Thai and the Palang Pracharath Party.
In addition to Pita Limjaroenrat and Chaithawat Tulathon, several of the MFP’s key figures were out of politics for ten years when the MFP was disbanded in accordance with a court ruling on August 7, 2024.
The court’s main argument was the party’s intention to amend Section 112 of the Criminal Code, or lese majeste law.
This policy was seen as exploiting the monarchy as a tool to attract voters to win the 2023 election and risked dragging the monarchy into political disputes between those supporting the lese majeste law and those opposing it.
The court also cited MFP’s claim that the party intended to gradually undermin the importance of the monarchy in its campaign against the lese majeste law. This disobedience resulted in the party receiving the dissolution penalty.
Reincarnated again as the People’s Party, it still has a good chance of winning the next general election, according to some political observers.
5. Thaksin demonstrates that he is not a fading violet.
Former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra has dominated the media spotlight since his return to Thailand in August 2023.
Former prime minister Srettha Thavisin, former prime minister and Pheu Thai leader Paetongtarn Shinawatra, and former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra greet party members in Hua Hin’s December 13 and 14 party seminar. Pheu Thai party in photo
For six months he stayed out of the public eye at Police General Hospital ( PGH) in Bangkok, where he was treated for mysterious illnesses instead of serving time in jail.
His protracted stay heightened questions about his political influence, and it was rumored about the position he might hold once his one-year sentence was over.
Thaksin returned to politics after receiving parole in February. It soon became clear that his political clout is even more powerful now than it was during his time as prime minister.
Paetongtarn Shinawatra, the father of prime minister and Pheu Thai leader, spoke at forums to discuss his plans for Thailand and supported the ruling party’s candidates in local elections.
In August, he made a key decision by calling on the coalition partners to visit his Bangkok home to discuss replacing Srettha Thavisin, who had been removed from the position of prime minister by the Constitutional Court.
Then, at a Pheu Thai Party seminar in Hua Hin recently, Thaksin criticised coalition partners who missed a Dec 11 cabinet meeting to deliberate two decrees.
His criticism affirmed the idea that he is in charge of the Pheu Thai-led government.
However, the controversy surrounding Thaksin’s controversial stay at his residence and the coalition party gathering there are currently being investigated.
The National Anti-Corruption Commission ( NACC ) announced it would investigate officials accused of allowing Thaksin to stay at the hospital instead of prison.
12 PGH and DOC officials will be the subject of the NACC’s investigation, according to the DOC. Even after the court recently ruled rejecting a petition related to Thaksin’s alleged involvement in politics, the Election Commission (EC ) announced it is looking into the former prime minister’s alleged interference in the coalition government and manipulation of the Pheu Thai Party.
The EC said the court based its judgement on whether Thaksin and Pheu Thai had violated Section 49 of the constitution, which covers misconduct and claims of whether they were attempting to overthrow the constitutional monarchy.
The Pheu Thai Party’s alleged violation of the organic law prohibits a party from giving in to being manipulated by an outsider, in this case alleged to be Thaksin, is the EC, on the other hand.