Commentary ,Asia ,East Asia (Page 2)

Squid Game explores the almost comical capacity people have to accept that they can thrive and emerge as the victor.

Players ‘ almost transcendental beliefs that they are the only ones who will win the game are fuelled by the game’s cruelty and violence. These wants, however, fight with the main civilization of the players.

Camaraderie develops as the people work collectively, and family relationships, earlier friends, shared experience, sympathy and religion all have a clear presence in the present. In the end, however, the overall game’s firm logic glosses over them.

The most outrageous current example of this behavior is American financier Bernie Madoff, who brutally defrauded home and kin in the Jewish community for his own gain.

” TEMPORARILY EMBARRASSED MILLIONAIRES”

Some critics lamented that Season 2 is also focused on the life of the gamers, with only season four of which actually begins the games.

However, this change undoubtedly makes the connection between the real world and the games little more obvious. In turn, it makes the movie’s critique of capitalism yet more prominent.

Although the series ‘ main draw is undoubtedly the high-stakes games, the series ‘ popularity still has a lot to do with its core message, which becomes much more clear in the second season. People can identify with the figures who bravely face hardship to reclaim their life in the face of hardship.

As American author John Steinbeck once put it, some mid- and working-class American see themselves as “temporarily uncomfortable capitalists”. This outlook perfectly captures the constant involvement in a bourgeois structure with only a passing chance of success.

This fluid is exemplified in Squid Game Season 2, which explores how people rationalize their involvement in a game that often contradicts their most fundamental human instincts.

The lyrics to Bertold Brecht’s satirical song March of the Calves comes to mind:” Following the drum / The calves trot / The skin for the drum / They deliver themselves” .&nbsp,

It serves as a somber analogy for how our willingness to sacrifice to achieve success frequently conjures it up.

Dirk Matten is professor of ecology and Hewlett-Packard head in corporate social responsibility at the Schulich School of Business, York University, in Canada. This commentary&nbsp, primary appeared&nbsp, in The Conversation.

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DELHI: The Dec. 18 conference between China’s Wang Yi and India’s Ajit Doval on December 18, 2024 marked a significant step in the direction of normalization of relations between the two nations. &nbsp,

This was the 23rd gathering of the Special Reps. The next took place in December 2019, following which the harsh Galwan conflicts of 2020 entirely offset India-China relationships. The two sides ‘ efforts to establish mutual respect and confidence-building measures ( CBMs) totaled as a result of the clashes, leading to a border military standoff.

The 75th commemoration of India and China’s first diplomatic ties annihilates in 2025. Yet, even after years of debate, the India-China borders continues to be disputed. &nbsp,

Even though it has been demonstrated time and time again that the matter has the capacity to disrupt diplomatic relations between the two countries, there hasn’t been any real change in this. The CBMs’ weakness was also demonstrated by the Galwan clashes. &nbsp,

UNDER THE DIPLOMATIC Facade

Following the Line of Actual Control’s monitoring quality in October, which caused some lowering of anxiety and withdrawal, the Dec. 18 meeting took place. &nbsp,

However, the appointment does provide some hope for India-China relations, and it cannot ignore the country’s history and the challenges that lie ahead. &nbsp,

The Chinese’s release of a” six-point consensus” following the meeting underscores this point, which the Indian part has not been quite pleasant accepting in its entirety. Importantly, yet after Beijing stated that it was eager and ready to work with India to resolve a problem, no joint declaration from the two parties was released at the conclusion of the meeting.

According to a statement from the Chinese foreign government, any resolution to the boundary dispute may be “fair, fair, and acceptable to both sides” and “both sides agreed to continue taking steps to maintain peace and tranquillity in the border areas and to promote the healthy and robust development of diplomatic relations.” Additionally, it stated that the frontier problem would be put in the “appropriate place,” without providing any specifics or clarifications regarding what this position entails. &nbsp,

Beijing also expressed a desire to “delink the frontier issue from diplomatic relations,” as it has been doing so since the Galwan problems. &nbsp,

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Problems ABOUT KOREA’S CRISIS MANAGEMENT Skills

Choi’s efficiency will be under severe scrutiny, and not only because of the continuing political crisis.

However, the South Korean government has a poor track record of handling crisis situations. Officials are slower to acknowledge the severity of the situation and deflect accountability in the wake of the horrifying 2022 Seoul Halloween masses crush, which is still a fresh wound. In 2014, the falling of the boat Sewol had seen a likewise poor management, both during and after the occasion.

The helicopter burst into flames after it belly-landed and slammed into a roof, which, according to some experts, shouldn’t have been at the end of the runway, according to a picture of the Jeju Air crash on Sunday.

There is also a dispute over whether the airport was long enough to allow secure flights, as it appears that provincial authorities have requested an extension of the airport for a number of years.

Based on the practice of previous catastrophes, one may expect an extreme blame game between the government, local authorities and air safety officials to start immediately.

The effects of the Jeju Air accident on South Korea’s continuing political crisis is still too early to be fully assessed. Acting President Choi’s term in office does increase by a few days because the opposition will likely be unwilling to remove him in the midst of national mourning. However, he won’t have much of a grace period.

The aftermath of the aircraft accident doesn’t require much political intervention, and from now on, an effective response can be made without him, unlike a large-scale natural disaster or war or a large-scale healthy disaster.

Although very traumatizing, the loss of trip 7C2216 does not necessarily alter South Korea’s ongoing political crisis, whose root lies in the impeached President Yoon’s fate.

Dylan Motin is a non-resident Kelly Fellow at the Pacific Forum and has a PhD in social research. He is the author of&nbsp, Bandwagoning in International Relations: China, Russia, and Their Neighbors&nbsp, ( Vernon Press, 2024 ). &nbsp,

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THE YOON ENDGAME

There are currently numerous endgame scenarios, the majority of which depend on how Mr. Yoon’s congressional allies respond to the growing political pressure.

First, he may continue by properly handing over his administration to his legislative partners. Only that, Mr. Yoon delivered a simple speech a few hours before the ballot on Saturday, offering. He made an offer to allow the liberal PPP, his ally political party, to adopt his policies in the National Assembly.

This is good bait to avert PPP lawmakers ‘ support for his treatment. Perhaps they will keep Mr. Yoon if they believe they will continue to rule the nation with him relegated to a curious caregiver part. Because he fears a trial and prison time, Mr. Yoon is perhaps making quite a large concession. A North Korean leader who was removed from office in 2017 spent time behind bars. If removed, Mr Yoon probably will too.

Another possibility is that Mr. Yoon steps down, apparently as a result of a non-prosecution quid pro quo. This casual arrangement persuaded US President Richard Nixon to step down in 1974 when he was facing a possible impeachment for the Watergate scandal. Mr Nixon may perhaps have been convicted, he faced prison period. To clasp that, he left company freely, and his son pardoned him. Mr. Yoon may opt for such a deal, but it’s not clear if he trusts the opposition enough to refuse to bring charges against him if he leaves.

A last chance, at the sides of the argument, is legal revision. South Korea’s leader now serves one five-year name. The country may join the US national system for two four-year terms, according to South Korean political knowledge. If enacted, Mr Yoon’s expression had ending in May 2026, no May 2027.

This option appeals because it avoids a second South Korean president’s impeachment in only eight years and avoids the legislature’s political machinations. A democracy should constantly remove its chief executive from its hands.

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THE YOON ENDGAME

There are currently many endgame scenarios, the majority of which depend on how Mr. Yoon’s congressional allies respond to the growing political pressure.

First, he may continue by properly handing over his administration to his legislative partners. Only that, Mr. Yoon delivered a simple speech a few hours before the ballot on Saturday, offering. He made an offer to allow the traditional PPP, his ally social party in the National Assembly, to set plan in his place.

PPP politicians may use this as bait to prevent them from supporting his treatment. Perhaps they will keep Mr. Yoon if they believe they will continue to rule the nation with him relegated to a curious caregiver part. Because he fears a prosecution and a sentence in prison, Mr. Yoon definitely makes for a huge agreement. In 2017, a North Korean leader who had been removed from office by impeachment entered prison. If removed, Mr Yoon probably did too.

Another possibility is that Mr. Yoon steps down as part of a non-prosecution quat. In 1974, US President Richard Nixon was persuaded to retire in protest of the Watergate scandal because of this casual agreement. Mr Nixon may perhaps have been convicted, he faced prison period. To clasp that, he left company freely, and his son pardoned him. Mr. Yoon may opt for such a deal, but it’s not clear if he trusts the opposition enough to refuse to bring charges against him if he leaves.

A last chance, at the sides of the argument, is democratic revision. South Korea’s leader now serves one five-year name. South Korea’s social technology has long advocated for the country to join the US national system for two four-year terms. If enacted, Mr Yoon’s expression had ending in May 2026, no May 2027.

This option appeals because it avoids a second prosecution of a South Korean president in only eight years and avoids the political intrigues of the government. A democracy should constantly remove its chief executive from its hands.

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AN INEPT COUP

But if it was a revolution, it was a remarkably inept another. Mr. Yoon did not appear to have preached much assistance in the military or police. Despite the safety services converged on the parliament tower, the North Korean legislature managed to join immediately.

The whole group of politicians present, including those from Mr. Yoon’s own party, voted to end martial law. But just six days after martial law was declared, it was lifted. The entire situation sounded like a strange comedy.

But the consequences may be significant. President Yoon is already under a lot of stress to step down.

If he does not, he will almost certainly be impeached. South Korea has effectively and peacefully removed a previous president. The framework to eliminate Mr Yoon is it, and lawmakers may now see him as a threat to North Korean constitutionalism.

South Korea’s political stability and progressive social ideals are at play, as its partnership with another liberal democracies. It may surprise him if he were still in office at the end of the time.

Robert Kelly ( @Robert_E_Kelly ) is a professor of political science at Pusan National University.

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RECENT FREQUENCY OF VIOLENT ATTACKS

Over a short span of nine days, China saw three instances of mass violence: On Nov 11, a man drove into a crowd in Zhuhai, killing 35 and injuring 43; on Nov 17, eight people were killed and 17 others wounded in a knife attack at a Jiangsu vocational school; on Nov 19, a car crashed outside a primary school in Hunan, injuring several students.

These incidents followed another knife attack in late October near a school in Beijing that injured five people, including three children.

Spates of “revenge on society” attacks by vehicle ramming, stabbing, arson and even planted explosives are not unheard of in China. Based on a compilation of similar incidents in a Chinese journal, a wave of four such attacks took place in Ningxia, Jiangxi, Henan and Hainan from January to February 2016.

Neither is the Nov 11 Zhuhai rampage unprecedented in terms of the toll of the dead and wounded. In June 2009, for instance, a public bus arson in Chengdu led to 28 fatalities and 74 injured.

What is striking about the recent wave of incidents is perhaps the conflation of a high number of casualties and the frequency of attacks.

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