Commentary: Possibility of Trump 2.0 should push China to recalibrate foreign policy

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NOT ALL DOOM AND GLOOM

Trump 2.0, which is currently at a traditional small, is widely believed by China watchers as a worsening of bilateral ties between the country’s two largest economies. If Trump is elected, he has previously stated in interviews that he would consider imposing yet higher tariffs on Chinese imports.

A prospective Trump administration may not be all doom and gloom from the perspective of China, but it is understandable.

First of all, the Taiwanese administration has long believed that whoever wins the White House, Trump or Kamala Harris, will likely not have a significant impact on relationships. When China wants to concentrate on strengthening its domestic market, the best they may wish for is stabilizing the relationship.

In many ways, Trump’s personal transactional approach to US management in foreign affairs could function in China’s behalf geopolitically. Trump reaffirmed his long-held reservations about protecting Taiwan in the event of an invasion from the Chinese mainland in a new interview.

Trump 2.0 might ease Beijing’s view on the Taiwan issue, which Beijing views as the most significant crimson line in diplomatic relations.

Trump’s risk to establish higher tariffs on Chinese imports may have a significant impact on China’s imports and production, but it should be understood that he would pursue everyone who has a trade deficit with the US, including the European Union.

Additionally, his repeated warnings to NATO allies to improve their defense spending, which Trump advisers have reportedly suggested may cause Washington and these European countries to grow more tense.

All of this could give China a much-needed opportunity to challenge Washington’s cobbled together effort to counteract Beijing’s alleged rising and forceful effect.

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Commentary: Can China really end the Russia-Ukraine war with one phone call?

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Because they are inexpensive and help its employees to concentrate on higher-end labor, speeding up production and lowering costs, Moscow imports Chinese products en masse. However, if China were to stop all dual-use exports to Russia, especially car parts, local production might take the place of the majority of them. It would undoubtedly cost money and cause pain, but it would n’t be enough to undermine its military.

In any case, China is no Russia’s even facilitator. The Kremlin may rely on Iran, North Korea, and even products that have been secretly imported from the West by third parties.

CHINA’S VESTED INTEREST IN RUSSIA

Given that China has no desire to stifle Russia, it is still up for discussion about possible Chinese pressure. Ukraine has been at war for far more than two decades.

If Mr. Xi had acted if he had come to the conclusion that the Russian invasion had really endangered China’s security or well-being. Beijing’s position on this conflict’s end is unavoidable.

To be clear, China has maintained that it is a natural party in the fight in Ukraine and that it will work to promote peace talks. Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the president of Ukraine, claimed last month that Mr. Xi stated in a telephone call that he would not buy weapons to Russia.

Beijing, however, has a interest in Moscow’s victory over Ukraine.

First, Russia is the only world authority with close ties to China. Beijing may be left alone in its struggle with the United States and its fierce empire system in the event of a defeated and weakened Russia.

Likewise, a strong Russia may help balance Washington. If Mr. Xi, also, used force to resolve the Japanese conflict or another border conflicts, he would be grateful to have Vladimir Putin’s strong hand.

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