This essay first appeared on PacNet, and it has since been republished with the writer’s permission. Read the original right around.
Myanmar is currently experiencing a humanitarian crisis of extraordinary magnitude as a result of its destructive 7.7 scale earthquake on March 28. The military junta’s continuous attacks on civilians have significantly worsened the earthquake’s impact, which is severe enough on its own, despite the country’s perils and widespread destruction.
The disaster has so far claimed over 3,600 life and more than 5, 000 were hurt, with its core in Region and significant effects felt across Naypyidaw, Mandalay, Magway, Bago, and Shan position.
The US Geological Service’s estimates for the death toll range from 10,000 to 10,000, with economic damage that could potentially reach Myanmar’s US$ 67 billion annual GDP. Important infrastructure, including bridges, roads, clinics, historic sites, pagodas, and airports, has been greatly damaged, putting strain on critical rescue and relief efforts.
The junta’s greedy reaction
The most significant natural disaster Myanmar has seen in more than a century is taking place in the middle of the bloody civil war sparked by the military coup of 2021. The junta immediately seized the disaster as an opportunity to sea up its vanishing international legitimacy rather than uniting in the face of tragedy.
In a strange shift, the regime quickly appealed for international assistance, which is a significant change from its pre-current aversion to external interference. But, observers caution that the regime’s unexpected willingness to accept foreign aid may be more strategic than humanitarian, which might allow the junta to take control by carefully distributing aid to allies and loyalists.
In addition, the military government has denied entry to the world’s media, citing issues like housing shortages, power outages, water shortages, and the concern of routine officials who are leading rescue operations at various operational levels.
This raises questions about support misappropriation among international organizations and opposition organizations, bringing up how the coup manipulated philanthropic resources following Cyclone Nargis in 2008.
A well-known cultural opposition group, the Karen National Union (KNU), has made a clear call for strict monitoring to make sure aid gets to earthquake-related victims as opposed to regime loyalists.
Unrelentless underwater assaults in the midst of tragedy
The junta’s mendacity is further demonstrated by its ongoing military assaults on civilians also as local communities struggle to survive the earthquake’s disaster.
Within hours of the crisis, reports of flying bombardments in Shan, Rakhine, Kachin, and Sagaing started to surface. These problems were documented by pleasure agencies, including the Free Burma Rangers, which highlighted the government’s brutal use of a philanthropic crisis to advance its military goals.
Airstrikes, artillery shooting, and military offensives were continued during this time, even though the junta after formally declared a 20-day stalemate starting on April 2.
Beyond these attacks, the military imposed strict curfews, preventing daytime rescue operations crucial to saving life trapped beneath the wreckage. Reliable reports that young men are being violently drafted under the pretense of quake response operations are extremely unsettling.
Limitations on local charitable organizations, which are essential for delivering fragmented aid, have added to the suffering of those affected by both continuing violence and natural disasters.
Myanmar’s political opposition, led by the National Unity Government, reacted with caution and kindness, declaring a two-week peace on military offensives and promising total cooperation with foreign aid organizations.
determined needed for assistance abroad
China has sent recovery groups and humanitarian aid to aid in relief efforts. In addition to supporting search and rescue operations, emergency response teams from nations like India, Russia, Thailand, Vietnam, the United Arab Emirates, and Israel have been stationed.
Additionally, the United States has pledged to provide up to$ 9 million in humanitarian aid to Myanmar’s earthquake victims. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio declared that America had no longer offer the largest share of global humanitarian assistance and called on other nations to move up after three USAID staff members who were standing in Myanmar supporting disaster healing efforts were fired amid the US government’s shutdown.
The European Commission has approved the first tranche of 13 million euros ($ 14.5 million ) to be used to fund the earthquake response in Myanmar. An initial$ 5 million from its emergency fund has been used by the UN to support life-saving work.
Issues persist regarding the military junta’s control over how effectively help is distributed. International organizations are pushing for the non-governmental use of non-governmental programs to ensure that support is delivered to the affected populations without bias.
But, humanitarian assistance alone won’t suffice. Instead of supporting a routine frequently accused of war crimes and severe human rights abuses, strong international mechanisms may be established to ensure that aid effectivelyreaches the vulnerable populations.
Comprehensive international monitoring and accountability systems must be immediately established to control the distribution of aid, making sure that the regime doesn’t misuse or politicize resources that go to the affected populations. The junta may be put under more political pressure to halt military operations, particularly airstrikes, during the crisis and during relief operations.
In the end, Myanmar’s citizens are caught in a destructive double bind: a normal disaster made worse by brutal totalitarian crime. Their survival and Myanmar’s recovery are dependent on a strong global response that unwaveringly rejects program exploitation.
The international community can offer essential support without denying the regime by placing humanitarian principles and civilian-led recovery efforts prioritizing them.
Unwittingly strengthening a military dictatorship that is determined to utilize the suffering of its own citizens for political gain is a possibility if Myanmar doesn’t act quickly and cooperatively at this crucial time.
Aung Thura Ko Ko, who is a research fellow at the Pacific Forum and who holds an Oxford Master of Public Policy, is a researcher at the Pacific Forum.